Former GOP senator Bill Frist: Republicans should protect Mueller investigation

USA Today

Former GOP senator Bill Frist: Republicans should protect Mueller investigation

Michael Collins, USA Today      July 7, 2018

Photo: Lawrence Jackson, AP

Washington,– Former Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist is urging his fellow Republicans to put country before party and protect special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.

“Special counsel Robert S. Mueller III is under assault, and that is wrong,” Frist wrote in an op-ed published Friday night in The Washington Post. “No matter who is in the White House, we Republicans must stand up for the sanctity of our democracy and the rule of law.”

Frist, who served as the Senate majority leader for four years before leaving Congress in 2007, said he doesn’t believe that President Donald Trump colluded with Russian President Vladimir Putin to win the 2016 election. But he said he believes Putin purposely tried to undermine the democratic process.

Trump’s assault on Mueller’s investigation doesn’t help the president or his party, Frist said.

“When Trump talks about firing the special counsel or his power to pardon himself, he makes it seem as though he has something to hide,” wrote Frist, a heart and lung transplant surgeon who lives in Nashville. “The president must remember that only Mueller’s exoneration can lift the cloud hanging over the White House.”

The special counsel’s investigation is not about Trump – it’s about national security, Frist said.

“Every American should be rooting for Mueller’s success in determining precisely how Russia interfered in our fundamental democratic process,” he wrote.

“As a party, we can’t let the president or his allies erode the independence of the Justice Department or public trust in the vital work of law enforcement,” he said. “That would be true even if the stakes were much lower, but it is overwhelmingly so when it comes to investigating foreign interference in our elections. Congress must ensure that Mueller is able to do his job without interference or intimidation.”

“Congress must never abandon its role as an equal branch of government,” Frist concluded. “In this moment, that means protecting Mueller’s investigation. We’re at our best as senators and Republicans when we defend our institutions. But more than that, it’s our best face as Americans.”

Trump freezes Obamacare payment program, leaving insurers scrambling

ThinkProgress

UPDATED: Trump freezes Obamacare payment program, leaving insurers scrambling

The sabotage of Obamacare continues.

Amanda Michelle Gomez     July 7, 2018

Washington, D.C. – July 25, President Trump holds a joint news conference with Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri in the rose garden at the White House July 25, 2017. Trump began the news conference by announcing that senate Republicans had passed a procedural vote on repealing Obamacare. Photo: by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images.

The Trump administration is freezing a critical Affordable Care Act (ACA) insurance payment program that discourages insurers from cherry picking healthier enrollees by compensating them for sicker ones.

The move could rattle insurance companies at the very moment when they’re deciding whether to continue selling ACA plans and setting premiums for 2019. It’s not immediately clear what this means for ACA enrollees, if anything.

The news comes after the Wall Street Journal reported they might suspend the program:

“The suspension of some payouts under the program, known as risk adjustment, could come in the wake of a recent decision by a federal judge in New Mexico, who ruled that part of its implementation was flawed and hadn’t been adequately justified by federal regulators, people familiar with the plans said.”

“We were disappointed by the court’s recent ruling. As a result of this litigation, billions of dollars in risk adjustment payments and collections are now on hold,” said the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) Administrator Seema Verma in a statement released on Saturday. “CMS has asked the court to reconsider its ruling, and hopes for a prompt resolution that allows CMS to prevent more adverse impacts on Americans who receive their insurance in the individual and small group markets.”

CMS argues the ruling prevents it from making further collections or payments in the risk adjustment program, including amounts for the 2017 benefit year which amount to $10.4 billion, until the litigation is resolved. However, outside experts are skeptical of the claim.

To make it easier for people with pre-existing conditions to buy coverage and ensure market stability in the process, the risk adjustment program moves money from insurers who cover healthier populations than the statewide average to insurers who cover sicker populations.

The government uses a complicated formula to determine which insurers pay in and this formula was the point of contention, prompting two nonprofit insurers to file two different lawsuits.

CREDIT: KAISER FAMILY FOUNDATION

A New Mexico-based federal judge called the risk adjustment formula  “arbitrary” and “capricious” in ruling that the CMS formula was flawed. However, a Massachusetts based-federal judge upheld the risk adjustment formula, which means the Trump administration doesn’t need to end the payments altogether.

“Although the ongoing litigation raises the question of whether there will be a delay in risk adjustment transfers for 2017 and 2018, the payments themselves should not be at risk,” said Health Affairs’ Katie Keith.

Former CMS administrator Andy Slavitt added on Twitter that there’s “[n]ot a reason to stop all the payments unless politically motivated.”

Replying to ASlavitt: This has a lot of similarities to Trump and DOJ taking a court case to stop protections against pre-ex conditions.

In this case, there is a court case in New Mexico with a simple remedy for the Administration.

ASlavitt: Even Trump’s HHS stated in the case in question that what is happening would be “disruptive for insurers, policyholders and state insurance markets.”

That apparently is exactly what those in (what I assume we will learn to be) the White House wanted.

For 2016, risk-adjustment payments were valued at 11% of total premium dollars, so insurers could lose a good amount of money. But this doesn’t affect all insurers who participate on the marketplaces, as ACA policy expert David Anderson points out. For example, insurers who are the only carriers in the state for 2017 and 2018 should remain unaffected. Nor does it mean big loses for all insurers participating in the program, as ending risk adjustment could mean windfalls for others, as Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt said on Twitter.

So far, ACA marketplaces have proven to be resilient, defying expectations that Trump sabotage would destroy the exchanges. Roughly 12 million people signed up for the ACA marketplace in 2018 and insurance options are growing for 2019. That’s because companies have learned how to turn a profit, and are now joining the ACA marketplaces. That said, insurers are still submitting pricey premium ratesfor 2019, citing uncertainty and repeal of the individual mandate. For this reason, the market will be even less affordable for people who don’t qualify for federal subsidies.

Ending the risk adjustment program or temporarily freezing payments could unnerve insurers who thought they were in for a relatively calm ACA season. CMS added in its statement that it will issue guidance shortly on how insurers should treat the news, in terms of financial losses.

Georgetown health policy expert Edwin Park said should the risk adjustment program end, insurers over the long run “would be forced to sharply raise premiums or reconsider participation.”

This story has been updated to reflect the official CMS statement ending the program that was released on Saturday. 

Like your 8-hour work day and weekends off? Thank unions

NowThis Politics

July 4, 2018

Like your 8-hour work day and weekends off? Thank unions

Dolores Huerta on Why Unions Matter

Like your 8-hour work day and weekends off? Thank unions

Posted by NowThis Politics on Wednesday, July 4, 2018

This solar farm is the size of 160 football fields

CNN

This is the world’s largest floating solar farm that transformed flooded coal mines into a big investment into clean energy http://cnn.it/2uFqAq9

Aspiration shared a video.

July 6, 2018

This solar farm is the size of 160 football fields … and it floats!

See the world's largest floating solar farm

This is the world's largest floating solar farm that transformed flooded coal mines into a big investment into clean energy http://cnn.it/2uFqAq9

Posted by CNN on Tuesday, July 18, 2017

Donald Trump, Void of Decency, Mocked #MeToo Victims Last Night in Montana

Esquire

Donald Trump, Void of Decency, Mocked #MeToo Victims Last Night in Montana

President Trump combines disrespect for women and for Native Americans in another proud moment for the nation.

By Jack Holmes     July 6, 2018

Getty Images

It’s time once again to check in on Donald Trump, American president. Our fearless leader took to the podium at a rally in Montana Thursday night shortly after his kleptocrat EPA administrator resigned amid an avalanche of scandal, and shortly before it would emerge that we have blundered into a full-scale trade war with China. Luckily, those are good and easy to win.

As usual, Trump embraced the political moment with grace and class and a delicate touch.

MSNBC: President Trump appears to mock Sen. Elizabeth Warren during a rally in Montana, promising to ask her to complete a test for the results of her heritage.

“But we have to do it gently because we’re in the MeToo generation.”

If you’re keeping score at home, the President of the United States just managed to combine disrespect for Native Americans with disrespect for women to form a crude sort of anti-joke story, which was of course met by customary sneers and jeers from the Real Americans in the audience. This, by the way, was Trump’s vision of a 2020 presidential debate against a sitting senator. Civility!

For the people in the back, reducing the concept of Native American heritage—even if you question someone’s claims to it—to a Disney character does not fall under the category of Showing Respect For That Heritage. That’s particularly true considering that the originators of the “Pocahontas” barb for Elizabeth Warren—her one-time opponent in a Massachusetts Senate race, Scott Brown, and his staff—would drive home the idea by doing Native American war whoops and tomahawk chops at events. But what do you expect from a president who once trotted this same “joke” out at an Oval Office event meant to honor Native American code talkers—who, you might remember, served our country with distinction in the Second World War.

“It’s extraordinary that the president could hire someone like this,” a senior Fox executive told BuzzFeed. “This is someone who is highly knowledgeable of women being cycled through for horrible and degrading behavior by someone who was an absolute monster.”

But he is friends with Sean Hannity, so it all kind of balances out for the president. Oh, and let’s not forget that Donald Trump has been accused of sexual misconduct by 19 women. He has denied all the claims, and as we know, his word is bond. It’s just a coincidence that there was no real joke in his #MeToo riff Thursday night. To the president, the movement is a joke in itself.

Oh, and this happened.

Washington Examiner

@dcexaminer

Trump: “You know President Putin is KGB… Putin is fine. He’s fine. We are all fine, we’re all people”

I Hope They Made Scott Pruitt Turn Out His Pockets on His Way Out the Door

Esquire

I Hope They Made Scott Pruitt Turn Out His Pockets on His Way Out the Door

The departing EPA chief was a first-class grifter—but he did his lasting damage elsewhere.

By Charles P. Pierce

Getty Images

I have to admit, while watching the preposterous nomination of Scott Pruitt to be the head of the Environmental Protection Agency, I knew he was being put in the job not to do the job. That’s been Republican practice going back to Ronald Reagan, who put Anne Gorsuch in charge of the EPA for roughly the same reasons and with roughly the same results. (Her son, of course, will now afflict us from the Supreme Court for decades.) I expected the environmental calamity, the wholesale sell-off of our public lands, and the rolling back of the regulations that protected the air and the water. Even the climate denial came as no surprise. That was what he was getting paid to do.

What I didn’t anticipate was that Pruitt also would turn out to be so enthusiastic about gobbling at the public trough. (Borrowing your aides’ credit cards to book rooms and then not paying them back? That’s some first class deadbeatery right there.) It appears now that there’s only room for one first-class deadbeat and grifter in this administration*. From The New York Times:

Mr. Pruitt, a former Oklahoma attorney general who built his career on lawsuits against the agency he would eventually lead, remained a favorite of Mr. Trump’s for the majority of his tenure at the E.P.A. He began the largest regulatory rollback in the agency’s history, undoing, delaying or blocking several Obama-era environmental rules. Among them was a suite of historic regulations aimed at mitigating global warming pollution from the United States’ vehicles and power plants. Mr. Pruitt also played a lead role in urging Mr. Trump to follow through on his campaign pledge to withdraw the United States from the 2015 Paris climate agreement, despite warnings from some of the president’s other senior advisers that the move could damage the United States’ credibility in foreign policy. Under the landmark accord, nearly every country had committed to reducing emissions of planet-warming fossil fuel pollution.

That was his real job and he did it well enough to ride through an incredible array of scandals, most of them the kind of penny-ante greed that would embarrass Scott Walker, who is the master of that form. Pruitt did most of what he was hired to do and now he’s going to be replaced by Andrew Wheeler, who used to be a coal lobbyist. The lasting damage will continue to be done. Anyway, I hope they locked up the office supply closet before they canned Scott Pruitt, or at least made him empty his pockets on the way out the door.

P.S.—Here is Pruitt’s letter of resignation. If we had a functioning EPA, it would be a SuperFund site:

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Produce is less healthy than it was 70 years ago. These farmers are trying to change that

USA Today

Produce is less healthy than it was 70 years ago. These farmers are trying to change that

Eco friendly cover crops saving soil and nutrients on the K.L. Donaldson Farm Michelle Pemberton, michelle.pemberton@indystar.com

There it sits – in all its green glory – in the produce section of your local grocery store.

Broccoli. One of the most nutritious vegetables on the planet.

But 70 years ago, it contained twice the calcium, on average, and more than five times the amount of Vitamin A.

The same could be said for a lot of our fruits and vegetables.

Why? How?

The answers lie in the soil and how Americans farm it.

Over the last two centuries, U.S. population growth and food production methods have stressed and degraded our dirt.

Our soil is not as alive as it once was, and experts say that’s a problem.

It’s a complex issue, and there are various factors at play, but studies through the years draw a direct line back to American farms.

More and more farmers are recognizing they are part of the problem – one that extends beyond their farms, impacting the water quality in our lakes, rivers and oceans downstream.

Slowly, a soil health movement is spreading across the Midwest and other parts of America. Farmers are changing the way they farm, adding something called cover crops and changing up crop rotations. They’re finding ways to use less fertilizer, which is linked to decreased soil health and water degradation.

“This has an impact on everybody who eats,” says Eileen J. Kladivko, a professor of agronomy at Purdue University.

As states like Indiana emerge as leaders, experts say the movement is on the cusp of mainstream adoption –  though much still stands in the way.

A troubled agricultural past

In the 1930’s, dirt was a high priority in America. Much of the country was experiencing a crushing series of droughts that lasted eight years. Poor land management and farming practices gave rise to the Dust Bowl.

In those days, it was typical to plow a field to a pulverized, fine dirt before planting. So, when the extended dry spell hit, soil became loose and was swept away by intense dust storms that blotted out the sun.

Farmers couldn’t grow food. Millions were forced to leave their homes to find work.

The ordeal resulted in the adoption of the uniform soil laws and the creation of the U.S. Soil Conservation Service – and was the birth of the modern-day soil health movement.

At the time, the effort focused on erosion or, simply, how to keep the dirt in place.  Still, we continued to harm the soil — unintentionally, said Harold van Es, a professor of soil and water management at Cornell University.

In the 1950s, farmers began using synthetic fertilizers. The fertilizers weren’t bad in and of themselves, said van Es, but they allowed for a new way of farming in America that would often further degrade the soil.

So, many farmers stopped raising livestock for the manure and focused only on cash crops, like corn and soybeans, which go into many products.

Farmers began producing one or two crops, planted year after year. Over time, the combination of these things lowered the biodiversity of the soil.

Healthy soil should be teeming with microbes and worms and rich with decomposed organic matter (think: compost).

Today, the government budgets billions of dollars — $6.7 billion in 2017 alone — for conservation through the Farm Bill. That funding goes towards agencies like the Natural Resources Conservation Service, the predecessor of the Soil Conservation Service that offers financial and technical assistance to farmers to adopt practices like cover crops.

“I think we’ve reached a tipping point in terms of awareness and experimentation,” van Es said. “In terms of adoption, we simply need more farmers to start doing it.”

Changing how we farm to focus on the soil

Richard Stewart manages Carriage House Farm in southwestern Ohio and he’ll tell you what’s happening on the 163-year-old farm, owned by his family now for five generations.

His goal one day is to stop conventional farming – growing corn and soybeans for animal feed and export – and instead only grow and raise things people eat. His family converted about 60 acres from its 300-acre farm to produce fruits, vegetables, honey and, recently, a line of vinegar.

Stewart is paying close attention to the soil.  And he’s learned, for example, to plant a cover crop of mustard before he grows a crop of potatoes. The mustard keeps away the Colorado potato beetles, which, you probably guessed, love potatoes but not mustard.

He makes sure there is a good strip of trees and native plants between his fields and the Great Miami River, because he wants to keep his soils in place and avoid any runoff that might hurt water quality.

“I’ve got kids. My child may be the seventh generation that farms this property, but that is not even a blink in the eye of the history of this planet,” Stewart said. “The Shawnee were people who farmed and hunted this land 3,000 years prior to us and we’ve taken more nutrients out of the soil than human beings did the last 3,000 years.”

Across the country, other farmers are compelled to improve their soils.

Take Indiana, for example, where the number of farm acres sowed with cover crops more than quintupled in just five years.

Cover crops involve planting something on the field during the offseason, so there’s always something growing.

Keeping something growing holds the soil in place, and when the cover crops grow and die they add organic matter, attracting microorganisms, adding nutrients  –  and creating healthier soils.

But Indiana still has a long way to go. Just over 90 percent of cropland in the state still goes without cover crops.

It’s hard to blame farmers who don’t participate.

Rising seed prices, whacky weather patterns and new talk of tariffs create financial challenges and uncertainty.

Shannon Zezula, state resource conservationist for the Indiana Natural Resource Conservation Service, sees this as part of the reason that last year, for the second year in a row,  the percentage of cover crops fell slightly in Indiana.

“Here in Indiana we estimate we’ve lost about 50 percent of our soil’s organic matter,” largely in the last 70 years,  Zezula said. “How much longer can we continue to farm this way? We have to reverse that trend.”

On the cusp of breaking into the mainstream

Nick Goeser is not discouraged.  As director of the Soil Health Partnership, a program launched by the National Corn Growers Association in 2014, he sees the soil health movement catching on because more farmers are getting results.

The organization helps farmers do economic assessments to understand where the farmer is making or losing money. Together, they consider today’s technology, weather and markets to decide on methods that will improve the soil, help the environment and also make the farm more profitable.

“We ask: How do we do this today? Not 20 years ago; not 20 years from now,” Goeser said. ”More often than not, (farmers) are breaking even or making money in one to three years.”

That’s a faster turnaround than, say, five years ago, Goeser said.

A soil conservationist demonstrates why tilling may be weakening our farm soil and crops. Stephen J. Beard and Jenna Watson, Indianapolis Star

He thinks cover crop adoption is accelerating. When the partnership formed in 2014, its goal was to sign up 100 farmers in the first five years. It reached that in half the time.

Something else is at play, adding urgency for farmers to consider their soils, Goeser said.

“Climate change is 100 percent real and our farmers are experiencing this year to year,” he said. “It’s absolutely worth seeing the hard data.”

Farmers are dealing with more frequent, and unpredictable, bouts of drought and flooding.

Climate change is also messing with our food.

Take corn.  Over the past few decades, the number of suitable days to plant corn has dropped, Goeser said. Heavy rains are partially to blame. But what’s even more damaging is the heat.

Warmer nights – and we have more of them now – keep the corn from resting, which can affect its ability to pollinate.

The result? Kernels have difficulty growing on the cob.

Humans have a long history of manipulating crops; cultivating strains to withstand certain conditions. We’ve been able to figure out how to keep growing more, even with the heat.

But that tinkering can have unintended consequences – like making our food less nutritious.

Healthier soils can help alleviate the stresses of climate change, Goeser said, because they retain more moisture which can lower the temperature on the fields. And healthier soils recycle more carbon and release less carbon dioxide – the world’s leading greenhouse gas.

Farmers are living proof that our soils make a difference

Mike Starkey shows what’s possible on this farm in Brownsburg, Indiana.

He raises corn and soybeans on 2,500 acres northwest of Indianapolis, and for the past 13 years, he’s worked to improve his soils, including sowing cover crops between seasons.

Starkey said he immediately saved money that he would have spent on equipment, labor and fuel by not tilling his fields. With cash in hand from selling his tilling equipment, and help from the state’s NRCS, Starkey invested in his soil with cover crops.

Over time, cover crops built up organic matter in his soil, reducing the need to purchase as much commercial fertilizer.

The benefits are not just to the farmer, conservationists say, and that’s why there’s a big push for cover crops across the nation.

Farm runoff is considered a major cause of harmful algal blooms in our lakes and rivers. It also contributes to the hypoxic dead zones in our coastal waters.

That’s because nitrogen and phosphorus, which are in the fertilizers, are food for toxic algae. Nutrients like that and others also clog up the water, taking the place of oxygen and creating dead zones in places like the Gulf of Mexico.

Reports of harmful algal blooms grow year after year, wreaking havoc on fishing and tourism seasons in Lake Erie, killing dogs and causing nausea and rashes for the unsuspecting swimmer.

The low-oxygen zone in the gulf spread a record distance last year: an area the size of New Jersey. In hypoxic conditions such as these, living things struggle. This affects our fishing industry and the price we pay for different foods.

That’s why Starkey is part of a unique study to test whether the practices on his farm are improving surrounding water quality.

Fields sown with cover crops typically have lower nutrient runoff, but some don’t think it’s enough to curb the water quality issues facing the nation.

Even with every farmer doing this, states will struggle to come close to meeting nutrient overload reductions, said Trevor Russell, water policy director for Friends of the Mississippi.

“There is a false narrative in the water quality community. It’s not (about) doing a better job at what we grow – it’s quite literally what we grow,” Russell said.

“Until what we grow can achieve water quality standards and be economically viable, we’re not going to address those problems.”

There’s pretty much widespread agreement that cover crops control erosion and keep the soil resilient.  And for some farmers, like Starkey, that’s reason enough.

In 2012, when the rest of the country was struggling through the driest drought since the Dust Bowl, he made it out okay. His corn yields that year was nearly double that of the rest of his county.

Mary Jo Forbord feels as if she’s doing her part to farm responsibly.

She and her husband run an organic beef, fruit and vegetable farm on the slopes of a glacial moraine in Minnesota. They plant cover crops, don’t use any chemicals and have reconstructed 380 acres of prairie, replacing what farmers before had wiped out.

But Forbord says the cards are stacked against farmers like her and America’s food system in general.

She’s looking at the big picture. From 1800 to 2017, the U.S. population grew from 5 million to 325.7 million people.

And today, 25 million — 8 percent of Americans – are food insecure, meaning they are unable to consistently access or afford adequate food.

Yet, over a quarter of U.S. cropland is used to grow corn, a crop we barely eat. Most of the corn we grow goes to feeding livestock or our gas tanks. And of the small portion we do eat, most of that goes into making sweeteners like high fructose corn syrup.

It’s a disparity that shows up in our waistlines, as the United States continues to lead the world in obesity rates. In the early sixties, about 14 percent of the country was obese. That description now fits one in every three Americans.

“It can be overwhelming to see how much this touches,” Forbord said.

One farmer at a time, the movement grows

You’ll find a type like Jon Reese in every county in America. The guy who’s always ready to share his knowledge, to bring just about anyone to his farm to show you results.

He does that by hosting “field days” on his farm in rural Miami County, Indiana. They’re like open houses that showcase soil health initiatives such as cover crops.

He works the holdouts, offering at a recent event to throw cover crop seed into one farmer’s truck right then and there, even let him borrow his special equipment.

“I almost begged him,” he said.

But the farmer never took him up on the offer.

How could cover crops spread faster?

Well, there’s talk about soil health labels on our food – to help consumers know whether they’re buying foods that respect the soil. And sustainability groups and corporations are creating agricultural sustainability metrics to provide individual farms with a stamp of approval.

These are steps forward but need to be closely vetted, said Kladivko, the agronomy professor at Purdue University.

But the common consumer can also play a role, observers and soil health supporters say.

The masses can do that by paying more attention to where their food comes from, shopping local, asking the farmers who grow food what they are doing and know where their politicians stand.

“Indirectly, you can support conservation programs at the federal and state level,” researcher van Es said. “You can also trust that organic food is soil friendly.”

Meanwhile, said Kladivko, the soil health movement will continue to spread as it does today, from farmer to farmer.

In his corner of the world, Reese’s influence is spreading.

Kameron Donaldson, the son of one of Reese’s high school classmates, now does cover crops and is improving the soil on his 3,000-acre farm, where he also raises 18,000 hogs every year.

Donaldson’s seen decreased erosion and improved yields of corn and soy.

But he’s also glad he’s going to leave the land better than he found it.

“It’s better to just take care of the land and it’ll take care of you,” he said. “But there is a cost to getting that land where you want it to be.”

The article was made possible in part by the generous support of the nonprofit Nina Mason Pulliam Charitable Trust, and by the Institute for Journalism & Natural Resources.

Americans Already Living EPA Rollbacks Under Pruitt

U.S. News and World Report

Americans Already Living EPA Rollbacks Under Pruitt

Ordinary people across America already living the results of environmental changes under Pruitt.

By Ellen Kickmeyer, Associated Press     July 5, 2018

Seen in this 2017 photo, Drew Wynne who quit his job in 2016 to pursue a career manufacturing cold-brew coffee died in October 2017 after using a paint stripper at the business in Charleston, S.C. EPA administrator Scott Pruitt had put on hold the Obama administration’s attempt to ban consumer sales of paint strippers containing the compound methylene chloride. But he reversed course in May after meeting with families of men who died after using paint stripper. Brian Wynne, brother of Drew, believes, methylene chloride may already have been out of stores by fall 2017, when his brother was found dead at the business, killed by methylene chloride, according to coroners. (Brad Nettles/The Post and Courier via AP) The Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — For 37 mostly female farm-workers in California‘s Central Valley, U.S. policy under Environmental Protection Agency chief Scott Pruitt became personal not long after sunup one day in May 2017.

Picking cabbage that morning, the workers noticed a tarry smell drifting from a nearby orchard. Mouths and lips tingled or went numb. Throats went dry. Soon some workers were vomiting and collapsing.

Officials in California’s farm-rich Kern County, where the workers fell ill, concluded that the harvesters were reacting to a pesticide, chlorpyrifos, misapplied at the neighboring orchard.

Five weeks before, in one of his first acts at EPA, Pruitt had reversed an Obama-era initiative to ban all food crop uses of the pesticide, which damages the brain and nervous system of fetuses and young children and has been prohibited as a household bug-killer since 2001.

While the new ban would not have gone into effect by the time of the Central Valley incident, Pruitt’s action postponed any further consideration of barring the popular bug-killer on food crops at least through 2022. Chlorpyrifos is crucial to agriculture, and the farms using it need “regulatory certainty,” Pruitt’s EPA said in announcing his March 2017 decision, using a phrase that would become a watchword for his business-friendly environmental rulings.

In all, the Trump administration has targeted at least 45 environmental rules, including 25 at EPA, according to a rollback tracker by Harvard Law School’s energy and environment program. The EPA rule changes would affect regulation of air, water and climate change, and transform how the EPA makes its regulatory decisions.

Pruitt, who resigned Thursday after months of ethics scandals, announced many of the policy changes quickly, and former EPA officials and environmental group predict that his proposed rollbacks will be vulnerable to court challenges.

“The world is focusing on Pruitt and his indiscretions, but they’re minuscule when you look at the impact of that change” on decision-making, said Chris Zarba, who quit this year as coordinator of two of the agency’s science advisory panels.

He was referring to allegations, now the subject of several federal investigations, about Pruitt’s lavish spending on travel and security, including a $43,000 soundproof telephone booth, and claims that he misused his office for personal gain, including seeking a fast-food franchise for his wife.

“This is not phone booths and Chick-fil-A issues,” Zarba said. “This is Americans’ lives.”

EPA spokesman Lincoln Ferguson defended the agency’s work under Pruitt, although some achievements Ferguson noted were largely completed in previous administrations.

“The science is clear, under President Trump greenhouse gas emissions are down, Superfund sites are being cleaned up at a higher rate than under President Obama, and the federal government is investing more money to improve water infrastructure than ever before,” the EPA spokesman said in a statement. The EPA declined to make an official available to speak directly on Pruitt’s policy initiatives.

Among Pruitt’s actions and proposals:

CLIMATE CHANGE

President Donald Trump, who famously called manmade climate-change an “expensive hoax” before his election, declared last summer that the United States would pull out of the Paris global accord on cutting climate-changing emissions from coal plants and other sources.

Pruitt, for his part, said he doesn’t believe humans are one of the main causes of climate changes.

Pruitt in October formally proposed the repeal of an Obama-era rule targeting climate-changing emissions from electricity plants powered by coal and other fossil fuels, part of his pro-coal and gas policies. “The war against coal is over,” Pruitt told Kentucky coal miners then.

The Obama rule would have cut power plant emissions by one-third. The Obama administration projected that it would prevent up to 6,600 premature deaths a year from air pollution.

CLEAN AIR

Pruitt’s other proposals affecting clean air include allowing truck-builders to retrofit new tractor-trailer bodies with old diesel engines that were built before tougher pollution standards. He called the Obama administration’s ban on the dirtier truck engines an example of regulatory overreach that “threatened to put an entire industry of specialized truck manufacturers out of business.”

Though just a tiny niche in overall truck sales, the Obama administration said the retrofitted trucks would account for up to 1,600 early deaths each year from the soot alone.

CLEAN WATER

Pruitt suspended an Obama-era version of a rule that ultimately governs what farmers, ranchers and businesspeople must do to protect water flowing through their property on its way to lakes, oceans and bays.

The so-called Waters of the United States rule impacts the water supply for people and wildlife. Pruitt, who had not yet publicly released his rewritten version of the rule when he resigned, told Nebraska farmers that his version would provide clarity and regulatory reform. “That’s how you save the economy $1 billion dollars,” he added.

Americans already are living with results of slowdowns and rollbacks in environmental regulation, said Elizabeth Southerland, who resigned last year as director of science and technology of the EPA’s Office of Water.

“Everybody in the country is now exposed to ongoing pollution, future environmental crises, because so many of these are being repealed,” Southerland said.

SCIENCE

Pruitt boosted industrial and business representation on panels that advise the EPA. Other Pruitt changes called for more consideration of the costs of environmental rules. And a major Pruitt change would allow EPA decision-makers to consider only studies for which all the underlying data is available.

Supporters say those changes are broadening the EPA’s decision-making and making it more transparent.

Opponents said that change could throw out the kind of decades-long public-health studies, using confidential patient information, that drove landmark regulation of air pollutants and other threats.

PESTICIDES

Pruitt also paused or slowed action on some other regulations that were started but not completed during the Obama administration, as with chlorpyrifos.

Chlorpyrifos used as directed offers “wide margins of protection for human health and safety,” said Gregg M. Schmidt, spokesman for DowDupont Inc., maker of the pesticide.

Industries said Pruitt’s EPA is giving business and economic impacts the consideration and input that past administrations long denied them.

“This is about how you find the appropriate balance here, where we can continue to make significant progress in environmental and health protection while continuing to benefit the economy,” said Mike Walls, vice president of regulatory and technical affairs at the American Chemistry Council trade group.

“The fact that industry no longer has an adversary in its government, and specifically at the EPA, is a huge step forward in common sense regulation,” said Ashley Burke of the National Mining Association. The mining group’s members include coal companies, which stand to benefit from proposed Pruitt rollbacks of Obama-era initiatives on fossil-fuel power plants and disposal of toxic coal ash.

A RETREAT

Pruitt had put on hold the Obama administration’s attempt to ban consumer sales of paint strippers containing the compound methylene chloride. But he reversed course in May after meeting with families of men who died after using paint stripper.

Brian Wynne, brother of 31-year-old Drew, is grateful. But if Pruitt’s EPA had never stayed the rule in the first place, Brian Wynne believes, methylene chloride may already have been out of stores by fall 2017, when his brother went to a South Carolina home-goods store to buy paint stripper to use on the floor of his cold-brew coffee company. Drew Wynne was found dead at the business last October, killed by methylene chloride, according to coroners.

I left the Republican Party. Now I want Democrats to take over.

The Washington Post

I left the Republican Party. Now I want Democrats to take over.

By Max Boot Columnist      July 4, 2018 

High profile GOP strategist Steve Schmidt left the Republican Party on June 20 in protest to the Trump administration’s controversial “zero tolerance” policy. (Elyse Samuels/The Washington Post)

“Should I stay or should I go now?” That question, posed by the eminent political philosophers known as the Clash, is one that confronts any Republican with a glimmer of conscience. You used to belong to a conservative party with a white-nationalist fringe. Now it’s a white-nationalist party with a conservative fringe. If you’re part of that fringe, what should you do?

Veteran strategist Steve Schmidt, who ran John McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign, is the latest Republican to say “no more.” Recently he issued an anguished Twitter post: “29 years and nine months ago I registered to vote and became a member of the Republican Party which was founded in 1854 to oppose slavery and stand for the dignity of human life,” he wrote. “Today I renounce my membership in the Republican Party. It is fully the party of Trump.”

Schmidt follows in the illustrious footsteps of Post columnist George F. Will, former senator Gordon Humphrey, former representative (and Post columnist) Joe Scarborough, Reagan and Bush (both) aide Peter Wehner, and other Republicans who have left the party. I’m with them. After a lifetime as a Republican, I re-registered as an independent on the day after Donald Trump’s election.

Explaining my decision, I noted that Trumpkins “want to transform the GOP into a European-style nationalist party that opposes cuts in entitlement programs, believes in deportation of undocumented immigrants, white identity politics, protectionism and isolationism backed by hyper-macho threats to bomb the living daylights out of anyone who messes with us.” I still hoped then that traditional conservatives might eventually prevail, but, I wrote, “I can no longer support a party that doesn’t know what it stands for — and that in fact may stand for positions that I find repugnant.”

I am more convinced than ever that I made the right decision. The transformation I feared has taken place. Just look at the reaction to President Trump’s barbarous policy of taking children away from their parents as punishment for the misdemeanor offense of illegally entering the country. While two-thirds of Americans disapproved of this state-sanctioned child abuse, forcing the president to back down, a majority of Republicans approved. If Trump announced he were going to spit-roast immigrant kids and eat them on national TV (apologies to Jonathan Swift), most Republicans probably would approve of that, too. The entire Republican platform can now be reduced to three words: whatever Trump says.

And yet there are still principled #NeverTrump conservatives such as Tom Nichols and Bill Kristol who are staying in the party. And they have a good case to make. Kristol, for one, balks “at giving up the Republican party to the forces of nativism, vulgar populism, and authoritarianism.” As he notes, “It would be bad for the country if one of our two major parties went in this direction.”

Editorial page editor Fred Hiatt and opinion writer Molly Roberts debate whether Trump officials should be publicly shamed. (Kate Woodsome , Adriana Usero/The Washington Post)

No one anticipated Trump’s takeover. It’s possible, these Republicans argue, that we might be equally surprised by his downfall. Imagine what would happen if special counsel Robert S. Mueller III found clear evidence of criminality or if Trump’s trade wars tanked the economy. I’m not saying that’s likely to happen, but if it does, it might — just might — shake the 88 percent GOP support that Trump currently enjoys. That, in turn, could open the way for a credible primary challenge that wouldn’t deny him the nomination but that — like Gene McCarthy in 1968, Ronald Reagan in 1976 and Pat Buchanan in 1992 — could help to defeat him in the general election and wrest the party from his grasp.

Personally, I’ve thrown up my hands in despair at the debased state of the GOP. I don’t want to be identified with the party of the child-snatchers. But I respect principled conservatives who are willing to stay and fight to reclaim a once-great party that freed the slaves and helped to win the Cold War. What I can’t respect are head-in-the-sand conservatives who continue to support the GOP by pretending that nothing has changed.

They act, these political ostriches, as if this were still the party of Ronald Reagan and John McCain rather than of Stephen K. Bannon and Stephen Miller — and therefore they cling to the illusion that supporting Republican candidates will advance their avowed views. Wrong. The current GOP still has a few resemblances to the party of old — it still cuts taxes and supports conservative judges. But a vote for the GOP in November is also a vote for egregious obstruction of justice, rampant conflicts of interest, the demonization of minorities, the debasement of political discourse, the alienation of America’s allies, the end of free trade and the appeasement of dictators.

That is why I join Will and other principled conservatives, both current and former Republicans, in rooting for a Democratic takeover of both houses in November. Like postwar Germany and Japan, the Republican Party must be destroyed before it can be rebuilt.

Read more:

George F. Will: Vote against the GOP this November

Joe Scarborough: Trump is killing the Republican Party

Michael Gerson: Trumpism, a whites-only ideology

Eugene Robinson: The GOP plunges toward its own special place in hell

Mark Sanford: I lost because I wasn’t Trump enough. All Republicans should worry.

Jennifer Rubin: Republicans are justifying the unjustifiable

Trump repeatedly suggested Venezuela invasion, stunning top aides – report

The Guardian

Trump repeatedly suggested Venezuela invasion, stunning top aides – report

Julian Borger in Washington DC, The Guardian       July 5, 2018 

The administration officials are said to have taken turns in trying to talk the president out of the idea in August of last year

Donald Trump speaking to the press with the secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, left, UN ambassador, Nikki Haley and national security adviser, HR McMaster, on 11 August 2017, at Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey. Photograph: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images

Donald Trump repeatedly raised the possibility of invading Venezuela in talks with his top aides at the White House, according to a new report.

Trump brought up the subject of an invasion in public in August last year, saying: “We have many options for Venezuela, including a possible military option, if necessary.” But the president’s musings about the possibility of a US invasion were more extensive and persistent than that public declaration, according to the Associated Press.

The previous day Trump reportedly took his top officials by surprise in an Oval Office meeting, asking why the US could not intervene to remove the government of Nicolás Maduro on the grounds that Venezuela’s political and economic unraveling represented a threat to the region.

Quoting an unnamed senior administration official, the AP report said the suggestion stunned those present at the meeting, which included the then national security adviser, HR McMaster, and secretary of state, Rex Tillerson. Both have since left the administration.

The administration officials are said to have taken turns in trying to talk him out of the idea, pointing out that any such military action would alienate Latin American allies who had supported the US policy of punitive sanctions on the Maduro regime.

Their arguments do not seem to have dissuaded the president.

A grim-faced Tillerson stood alongside Trump the next day at his New Jersey golf course at Bedminster as the president warmed to his theme.

“We have many options for Venezuela, this is our neighbor,” Trump said.

“We’re all over the world and we have troops all over the world in places that are very, very far away, Venezuela is not very far away and the people are suffering and dying. We have many options for Venezuela including a possible military option if necessary.”

The White House announced later it had refused to take a call from Maduro. The Venezuelan defense minister, Vladimir Padrino, described Trump’s threat as an “act of craziness” and “supreme extremism”.

In the weeks that followed, Trump remained preoccupied with the idea of an invasion, according to AP. Shortly after the Bedminister remarks, he raised the issue with the Colombian president, Juan Manuel Santos, and then brought it up again at that year’s UN general assembly in September, at a private dinner with allied Latin American states.

At that dinner, Trump made clear he was ignoring the advice of his aides.

“My staff told me not to say this,” Trump said and then asked the other leaders at the table in turn, if they were sure they didn’t want a military solution.

McMaster finally succeeding in persuading Trump of the dangers of an invasion, the report said, and the president’s interest in the notion subsided.

Trump’s approach to military intervention has been erratic. He has been insistent on bringing troops back from Syria, and his administration is pushing to draw down troops in Europe. But Venezuela is not the only country he has threatened directly. Last year, he warned North Korea of impending “fire and fury” and total destruction if the country threatened the US with its nuclear weapons and missiles. After his summit with Kim Jong-un last month in Singapore, however, Trump presented military conflict as unthinkable, pointing out it would cost millions of lives.