The alleged corruption and abuse by Afghan leaders that the US ignored was a ‘big factor’ in the country’s fall, human rights expert says

The alleged corruption and abuse by Afghan leaders that the US ignored was a ‘big factor’ in the country’s fall, human rights expert says

A member of the Afghan army stands guard at a high point overlooking the Panjshir Valley
A member of the Afghan army stands guard at a high point overlooking the Panjshir Valley Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

  • The Afghan institutions the US and its allies propped up for years collapsed in a matter of weeks.
  • One key problem, experts argue, was overlooked corruption and human rights abuses at senior levels.
  • One expert told Insider that when it came to Afghanistan, the US and its allies were “choosing the least bad partner.”

The US and its NATO allies propped up the Afghan government and security forces for years, but the moment they withdrew, both crumbled in a matter of weeks.

The stunning collapse of these institutions, which allowed the Taliban to retake Afghanistan, have raised a host of questions about what went wrong after decades of international support.

Some experts contend that persistent and troubling allegations of corruption and abuse surrounding Afghan leaders that were largely ignored by the US and its NATO allies crippled efforts to build a government and military able to withstand the Taliban, gain strong popular support, and meet Afghanistan’s needs.

In a recent New York Times column following the Taliban takeover, Gen. Sami Sadat, a three-star Afghan army general, blamed American politics for the collapse. He also blamed Afghanistan’s leaders, some of whom have been accused of serious corruption and abuse, what he characterized as a “national tragedy” that “rotted our government and military.”

There were generals put in place through connections rather than capability, soldiers in the Afghan security forces that existed only on paper, and supply lines disrupted by officials who siphoned off essential resources. The problems in Afghanistan ran much deeper though, experts said.

Patricia Gossman, a senior Human Rights Watch researcher who has interviewed Afghans and international officials and conducted on-the-ground investigations in Afghanistan, told Insider that problems such as human rights abuses and corruption were “a big factor” in the country’s fall.

In Afghanistan, the US and its allies aligned themselves with “some very notorious figures reviled by many communities that they were in because of previous atrocities,” Gossman told Insider, explaining that they also empowered some people that later became problematic while focusing on short-sighted needs.

Ryan Crocker, a career diplomat who served the US as the ambassador to Afghanistan during the Obama administration, once recounted for the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) a truly uncomfortable encounter with Mohammed Fahim, an Afghan defense minister who later became a vice president.

Fahim giggled as he related to Crocker a story of another senior Afghan minister who had been killed, the ambassador recalled in a conversation obtained as part of The Washington Post’s “Afghanistan Papers.” Later, Crocker revealed, it came out that Fahim might have actually had the official killed.

Crocker explained that he “certainly came out of those opening months with the feeling that even by Afghan standards” he “was in the presence of a totally evil person.”

Afghan leaders within the government, military, and police have been accused of crimes ranging from corruption to murder, rape, torture, and war crimes.

For example, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani’s defense minister Asadullah Khalid, previously the head of the National Directorate of Security, allegedly personally engaged in or ordered torture, sexual violence, and extrajudicial killings, according to Human Rights Watch.

Abdul Rashid Dostum, an Afghan vice president and later a senior Afghan military leader, is accused of war crimes, specifically suffocating enemies in shipping containers, as well as rape, kidnapping, and other rights abuses.

And Abdul Raziq, a powerful Afghan National Police chief until he was killed, was accused of running secret detention centers and carrying out or ordering torture and extrajudicial killings.

Soldiers with the U.S. Army's 4th squadron 2nd Cavalry Regiment and the Afghan National Army (ANA) return to their vehicles following a patrol through a village on March 5, 2014 near Kandahar, Afghanistan
Soldiers with the U.S. Army’s 4th squadron 2nd Cavalry Regiment and the Afghan National Army (ANA) return to their vehicles following a patrol through a village on March 5, 2014 near Kandahar, Afghanistan. Scott Olson/Getty Images
‘Choosing the least bad partner’

Experts say that issues at the top exacerbated problems at other levels. “There was this sense that nobody was held accountable for anything,” Gossman said. “You have a trickle down lack of accountability.”

A US Army veteran of the Afghan war that Insider spoke to recently revealed that he encountered police leaders that expected bribes for information on the Taliban, security checkpoints that had made deals with the Taliban, and some security forces members engaged in child sex trafficking.

Some other veterans had similar experiences. Capt. Dan Quinn, a former US Special Forces soldier, was famously relieved after he beat up a US-backed militia leader sexually abusing a young boy.

“The reason we were here is because we heard the terrible things the Taliban were doing to people, how they were taking away human rights,” Quinn told The New York Times in 2015.

“But,” he added, “we were putting people into power who would do things that were worse than the Taliban did – that was something village elders voiced to me.”

A senior US official reflecting on the situation in Afghanistan in 2015 said that “our money was empowering a lot of bad people,” adding that “there was massive resentment among the Afghan people,” according to The Washington Post’s Afghanistan Papers.

Another US official said that “we were giving out contracts to pretty nasty people, empowering people we shouldn’t have empowered, in order to achieve our own goals.”

“Successive US administrations have largely perceived human rights more as an obstacle than as an essential component of addressing Afghanistan’s problems,” Gossman asserted in a recent Just Security column, adding that “this approach has been catastrophic.”

“It affected the legitimacy of the government,” Gossman, who has spent years documenting human rights abuses in Afghanistan, told Insider. “Maybe it didn’t make people want the Taliban, but they may have seen the Taliban as a better option in certain circumstances.”

Sarah Chayes, who ran non-governmental organizations in Afghanistan and served as a senior advisor to US military leaders in country, told PBS last month that “Afghan government officials would shake people down at every interaction.”

She added that “from Afghans’ perspective, it almost looked like the United States was in favor of this system because our officials were always seen partnering with these venal Afghan leaders.”

Chayes explained that when she was working with the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 2011, interagency policy was to ignore high-level corruption and other misdeeds.

“Why would a population take risks to fight the Taliban on behalf of a government that is treating them almost as badly as the Taliban do?” she asked.

That said, not every interaction between the US and NATO and their Afghan partners was necessarily plagued by problems.

“Did we back bad horses across the country? I think probably the answer is no,” Erol Yayboke, a Center for Strategic and International Studies expert and a former international development contractor, told Insider, saying there was likely a mix of both good and bad actors.

“I think the question is less did we back a bad horse and is more were there actual alternatives? What you hear from people who spent years and years working in Afghanistan is that the option was backing people that we had concerns about over corruption, etc., or leaving,” he said.

With US leaders largely against leaving, “we had to find some local partners,” Yayboke said. “I think that a lot of folks that were out there would argue that, in many cases, it was not choosing the best partner. It was choosing the least bad partner.”

“I think that decisions that people were making, including our people in the field, American leaders, were based primarily on least bad options,” he said.

For Louisiana’s coastal tribes, ‘being at the end of the earth is a dangerous place’

The Times Picayune – nola

For Louisiana’s coastal tribes, ‘being at the end of the earth is a dangerous place’

After Hurricane Ida, Native Americans confront loss of homes, income, sacred sites

By Halle Parker, Staff Writer                     September 6, 2021

 

When Shirell Parfait-Dardar returned to her home in Dulac, she found that Hurricane Ida’s unforgiving winds had ripped the roof off and blown the walls in. A dressmaker by trade, she discovered her sewing shop seemed to have been lifted off the ground, flipped upside down and smashed.

“Every building on my property was destroyed,” said the chief of the Grand Caillou/Dulac Band of Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw, now staying with her mother in Thibodaux. Almost every member of her Native American tribe suffered the same fate. Those who lived in mobile homes saw their trailers blown up or “thrown to the ground and beaten up to the point where it’s unlivable,” she said.

“If they haven’t lost their home, they’re on the verge of losing their home because there’s so much damage to it,” she said. And for those residents, the clock’s ticking a week after the Category 4 storm struck: They must salvage what they can and secure their property before mold sets in.

From the air, tribal communities across Louisiana’s coast appear to have been decimated by Hurricane Ida:

  • In Pointe-aux-Chênes, home of the Pointe-au-Chien tribe, the storm leveled the elevated houses near the bayou’s end. Left behind were piles of splintered wood surrounded by a pool of water five days after the storm. Just 15 homes remained livable, said Theresa Dardar, a Pointe-au-Chien tribal member.
  • The United Houma Nation, a tribe of 19,000 spread across several communities from Houma to Golden Meadow and the Lafitte area, saw more than three quarters of its residents’ houses destroyed or rendered uninhabitable, said Thomas Dardar, the tribe’s hurricane relief manager. “The storm was pretty much as if a bomb went off,” he said, speaking from the tribal center where more than a dozen people and several pets were still sheltering Friday. Recovery will take years, he added.

All four of the state-recognized tribes suffered tremendous loss from Ida, as well as several other tribes without any formal status such as the Grand Bayou Indian Village in Plaquemines Parish. Surveying the coast by airplane, Tammy Greer, a United Houma Nation citizen with family in other tribes, was astounded by the scope of the damage.

“This one was so spread out,” she said. “Usually it’s one or two communities affected, and we can help each other out. This time, everybody else is just as bad as you are.”

Without federal recognition, recovery will be slower. None of the coastal tribes has met the criteria put in place for Washington, D.C., to recognize their tribal governments as sovereign powers.

Adam Crepelle, an assistant law professor at George Mason University and a United Houma Nation citizen, said federal recognition would allow tribes to negotiate directly with the U.S. government and open up more aid money and relief programs.

“As far as the federal government is concerned, they’re not a tribe,” Crepelle said, who specializes in federal law concerning Native Americans. “It’s definitely a barrier because, historically, the tribe was denied access to education and things like that, so they’re already starting from lower opportunities to begin with.”

Lafitte after Hurricane Ida
Boaters try to contain an oil spill after Hurricane Ida in the Lafitte area on Friday, Sept. 3, 2021. (Flight courtesy of SouthWings). STAFF PHOTO BY SOPHIA GERMER

Instead, unrecognized tribes are treated as nonprofits. That lets them apply for some grants, but their citizens are treated the same as any other U.S. citizen: Each must file an individual claim if aid is wanted. And the lack of federal recognition precludes some relief money for the tribes, Crepelle said.

“I’m definitely Indian, but I’m not Indian enough,” said Parfait-Dardar, who views the recognition process as discriminatory.

Without direct help from the federal government, each tribe leans on its own networks to obtain supplies and donations and shares with other tribes. They also try to secure help from the parish and state governments. So far, however, Parfait-Dardar and Theresa Dardar said they’ve yet to hear from Terrebonne and Lafourche parish officials as of Sunday.

Dulac after Hurricane Ida
A levee in Dulac is flanked by water on both sides on after Hurricane Ida on Friday, Sept. 3, 2021. (Flight courtesy of SouthWings). STAFF PHOTO BY SOPHIA GERMER

Louisiana tribes outside of the disaster zone, and ones out of state, also send help. Thomas Dardar said the United Houma Nation had already begun distributing supplies and was working alongside Terrebonne and Lafourche parishes to erect communications towers in some of the hardest-hit areas.

“We’re operating in a disaster, but we’re not in disaster mode,” he said.

Greer and Parfait-Dardar expect many of their tribes’ citizens to return and rebuild. Still, each storm can make their citizens anxious over a loss of culture and identity should members choose to migrate inland.

Pointe-aux-Chênes after Hurricane Ida
A house that was ripped to its foundation by Hurricane Ida on Sunday, Aug. 29, 2021, is shown in Pointe-aux-Chênes.  PHOTO BY MÉLANIE AKOKA

Thinking of her tribe’s elders, Greer said the constant rebuilding process can take a physical toll. And for those who make money off traditional wood carving or basket weaving, losing a home means losing inventory and income.

Plus, as storms grow more intense and Louisiana’s coast continues to recede, tribes have less protection from the sea and cultural sites such as sacred mounds or cemeteries are at risk of washing away, taking history with them.

“We’re not protecting them, and that’s the history of this land and this place,” Greer said. “Being at the end of the Earth is a dangerous place to be.”

Golden Meadow after Hurricane Ida
A workboat blocks Bayou Lafourche after Hurricane Ida in Golden Meadow on Friday, Sept. 3, 2021. (Flight courtesy of SouthWings). STAFF PHOTO BY SOPHIA GERMER

Outsiders forget, she said, that the tribes didn’t choose to settle in the swamp but were forced there as others moved onto their land to the north. Yet they made it work and adapted over centuries.

As Ida relief donations trickled in, Parfait-Dardar hoped her community will manage to build back stronger, using more innovative techniques to live with water.

“I can’t live anywhere else. I love my home, I love our people, and I love the environment that I’m in,” the Dulac chief said. “We need to respect the environment we’re in if we’re going to live here safely.”

President Biden, Texas shows we can’t wait any longer. It’s time to pack the court

President Biden, Texas shows we can’t wait any longer. It’s time to pack the court

<span>Photograph: Allison Bailey/Rex/Shutterstock</span>
Photograph: Allison Bailey/Rex/Shutterstock

 

William Brennan, the great US supreme court justice, liked to greet his incoming law clerks with a bracingly simple definition of constitutional doctrine: five votes. “You can’t do anything around here,” Brennan would say, wiggling the fingers of his hand, “without five votes.”

Underscoring the truth of Brennan’s hardboiled definition was the court’s 5-4 ruling this week (with Chief Justice John Roberts in dissent alongside his three liberal colleagues) to let stand a Texas law that turns ordinary citizens into de facto bounty hunters empowered to sue anyone who performs or “aids and abets” an abortion on a woman past her sixth week of pregnancy. True, the single-paragraph unsigned majority opinion emphasized that in letting the Texas law take effect the court was not ruling on the statute’s ultimate constitutionality.

Related: Texas now has abortion ‘bounty hunters’: Sonia Sotomayor’s scathing legal dissent

And yet. As Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in a passionate dissent, “Presented with an application to enjoin a flagrantly unconstitutional law … a majority of justices have opted to bury their heads in the sand.” President Biden powerfully joined those critical of the court’s decision. Declaring that the ruling promises to “unleash [..] unconstitutional chaos”, Biden promised to work to protect the constitutional right to abortion first recognized in Roe v Wade.

How might the president do so? Back in April, Biden empaneled a bipartisan commission of scholars, lawyers and jurists tasked with exploring the issue of “court packing”. The commission is scheduled to submit its report later this fall, which returns us to Justice Brennan’s five wiggling fingers.

There is nothing magical about the number nine, the present size of the supreme court. The constitution provides that there shall be “one supreme Court”, but says nothing about the court’s size or composition; these are matters left to Congress. In the early decades of the nation, Congress changed the number of justices six different times, from as few as five to as many as 10, before settling on nine in 1869. In 1937, Franklin Roosevelt, frustrated by a reactionary supreme court that resisted his New Deal initiatives, proposed expanding the supreme court’s bench to 15. Congress correctly rejected that court-packing plan as an attempt to manipulate the court to generate specific outcomes.

Biden, however, could now fairly and legitimately propose expanding the number of justices from nine to 11. Such an expansion would counterbalance the abuse of constitutional rules that enabled the confirmation of Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett and the installation of the hardcore conservative bloc responsible for the Texas decision.

This is not to say the effort would be successful. Assuming Biden could find support in the House, expanding the number of justices would require Democratic senators to first eliminate the filibuster, something that Senators Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema staunchly oppose. And we know that Republican lawmakers, led by Mitch McConnell, would accuse Biden of dangerously politicizing the court.

To which we may respond: pah-leeze. After all, it was McConnell who, in the wake of Antonin Scalia’s death nine months before the 2016 election, announced: “The American people should have a voice in the selection of their next supreme court justice. Therefore, this vacancy should not be filled until we have a new president.”

Armed with a rule of his own creation and a Republican Senate majority, McConnell flagrantly refused to grant a hearing to Merrick Garland, Barack Obama’s nominee to fill the supreme court vacancy ultimately filled by Trump’s choice, Neil Gorsuch.

As the Texas ruling underscored, this is a court far more conservative than the nation whose constitutional meanings it is meant to protect

But when Ruth Bader Ginsburg died, six weeks before the 2020 election, McConnell suddenly pronounced a new rule. It turns out the American people should not have a voice in the selection of supreme court justice in an election year when the incumbent president is a Republican.

The confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett did more than install a supermajority of conservatives in the court. The locus of power on the court shifted from the more mainstream conservatism of Justice Roberts to the more ideological and rigid extremes of Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito.

As the Texas ruling underscored, this is a court far more conservative than the nation whose constitutional meanings it is meant to protect. And it is a court that owes its composition to the triumph of anti-democratic processes, in which a majority of its members were nominated by a president who lost the popular vote and/or were confirmed by a bloc of senators elected by a minority of voters.

In proposing the addition of two additional justices, Biden could hardly be charged with tit-for-tat politics or with further politicizing the court. Conservatives would continue to enjoy a 6-5 majority, but with Justice Roberts, a stalwart institutionalist, serving as the swing vote. Were Biden to succeed, such an expansion would make the court more legitimate, not less.

  • Lawrence Douglas is the author, most recently, of Will He Go? Trump and the Looming Election Meltdown in 2020 and is also a contributing opinion writer for the Guardian US. He teaches at Amherst College

Drought has farmworkers dreaming of escape from California’s breadbasket

Drought has farmworkers dreaming of escape from California’s breadbasket

A truck rolls through nut trees almost ready for harvest near Cantua Creek. The drought in the Central Valley is taking its toll of farmworkers with reduced hours and jobs evaporating like the limited water resources.
A truck rolls through nut trees almost ready for harvest near Cantua Creek, Calif. The drought in the Central Valley is taking its toll on farmworkers, with reduced hours and jobs evaporating like the limited water resources. (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

Rosario Rodríguez never wanted to leave her hometown of Trigomil, Nayarit. She was surrounded by family and could quickly get to the nearest grocery store or clinic.

But love called, and she followed her then-boyfriend to Three Rocks — a speck in Fresno County where he worked in the fields.

At first life there reminded her of home in central Mexico — the enticing small-town feel, the lushness all around. The charm wore off as the reality of living in a rural town in Central California set in. Then the drought broke the spell.

“It was never my intention to come to this country,” Rodríguez said. “I was happy in Nayarit, but we got married and he brought me here. And so here I am.”

Rosario Rodr&#xed;guez hold a picture of her parents, Herminia and Martin Rodriguez in her garage in Three Rocks.
Rosario Rodríguez hold a picture of her parents, Herminia and Martin Rodriguez, in her garage in Three Rocks, Calif. “It was never my intention to come to this country,” she said. “I was happy in Nayarit, but we got married and he brought me here. And so here I am.” (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

For decades, farm labor has kept unincorporated communities alive throughout the Central Valley. But the drought is making it hard to stay. The dearth of essential resources — clean water, adequate housing and fair employment wages — has crippled towns that are easily overlooked and triggered a slow exodus to bigger places.

It can be seen in the dwindling number of people attending nonprofit-led workshops and meetings on agricultural worker rights, said Chucho Mendoza, an environmental and public health advocate who has worked with migrants and small farming families in the Central Valley for 25 years. The pandemic further hollowed out rural life.

In the Cantua Creek area, where pistachio and almond crops reign, some families are grappling with what’s next. Faced with a confluence of challenges, some are leaving; others are arguing over whether they should. Still others are determined to make it work here.

“They don’t know what to pinpoint but they’ll say, ‘We know something is wrong, but we don’t know what it is,'” Mendoza said. “Those who leave move to the next town but don’t realize hell is a lot bigger.”

The California Aqueduct brings water through Cantua Creek.
The California Aqueduct brings water through Cantua Creek. In this area, where pistachio and almond crops reign, some families are grappling with what’s next. (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

As the drought worsened, Rodríguez’s husband traveled farther and farther for work. She considered joining him in the field, but leaving her two teenager daughters alone at 3 a.m. felt dangerous. So she began baby-sitting for $25 a day.

Wishing a better future for her daughters, Rodríguez proposed moving to a “bigger” town like Kerman, population 15,000, where there were schools, churches, a fire station and doctors’ offices. But her husband didn’t want to leave. Why push their luck if they were making ends meet?

“It’s a decision we have to make together,” Rodríguez said reluctantly.

For most families in small Central Valley communities, where the residents are overwhelmingly Latino, the emotional toll of staying or fleeing to a new place is exacerbated by scarce finances, immigration status and the lack of a family safety net to fall back on.

Moments before Victor Avila watched his eldest daughter celebrate her quinceañera, he told his wife, Maria, about an idea. A visit to his brother-in-law in Bakersfield inspired him to imagine a life outside of the valley, away from the field work he’d known his whole life.

Maria Avila sits in her kitchen in Three Rocks.
Maria Avila sits in her kitchen in Three Rocks. She said her husband has floated the idea of moving. “I’m not leaving,” she told him. But despite her reluctance, deep down she feels as though the drought is making leaving an inevitability. (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

Since he arrived here from Durango, Mexico, in the 1990s, Victor did everything he could on a farm. For 12 hours, six days a week, he exhausted his body harvesting tomatoes and cotton. He tried his hand at welding metals with a blowtorch. He even tested out new agricultural machines.

His dedication paid off. He no longer spends shifts in the blistering sun. Instead he sits inside a giant, crab-like harvesting machine he steers down rows of almond trees. It helps keep his respiratory problems at bay after years of inhaling dust.

But he knows fellow laborers have it worse. Some struggle finding steady work, with the rise of agricultural machines that no longer require as many bodies to work the harvest. A bill that requires employers to gradually increase minimum wage and pay employees time and a half by 2022 has prompted some to slash overtime.

Maria knew her husband was worried. To help with finances, she thought about applying at the local Carl’s Jr. about 30 minutes away, but it would mainly be night and weekend shifts. They both agreed she couldn’t leave their four children alone that long.

Amid a worsening drought, Victor knew he needed a backup plan. But when he told Maria about moving, she shot it down.

Nut trees adjacent to Cantua Creek.
Nut trees adjacent to Cantua Creek. Faced with a confluence of challenges, some families are leaving; others are arguing over whether they should. Still others are determined to make it work here. (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

Their eldest daughter, a rising senior at Tranquillity High School, didn’t want to spend her final year adapting to a new campus. Moving away from the fields would also exclude her from a college scholarship, she said.

Maria said her husband has floated the idea about three more times. “I’m not leaving,” she told him.

But despite her reluctance, deep down Maria feels as though the drought is making leaving an inevitability. The dusty, discolored jungle gym at a run-down park across from her house is a daily reminder.

“In the end, I’ll go wherever,” she said.

About two miles from Rodríguez and Avila’s neighborhood, Lucia Salmeron Torres wishes her husband would agree to return one day to their beloved Jalisco, Mexico.

“This is the worst place to live in,” said Torres, 57.

Her home is situated on the edge of a rancher’s property where her husband works. She keeps the house tidy, even though there isn’t much inside. Portraits of Jesus next to artificial roses decorate the living room and hallway walls. She gardens for fun, but only when there aren’t workers nearby because she doesn’t like to feel under surveillance.

Lucia Salmeron Torres sits in her living room on the outskirts of Fresno County.
Lucia Salmeron Torres, 57, sits in her living room on the outskirts of Fresno County. She wishes her husband would agree to return one day to their beloved Jalisco, Mexico. “This is the worst place to live in,” she said. (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

Her 5-year-old granddaughter and son’s pit bull are her only companions when her husband and five sons are at work. In years past, she could count on seeing them more during the rainy season. The drought changed that.

“Now they rarely come home” during the day, she said. “And they struggle with work because there aren’t enough hours.”

Torres first tried persuading her husband to move to the city when one of her sons began attending college. Then she wanted to join her son, Sergio, when he started working as a truck driver for an agricultural company and talked about moving. He had worked in the fields since he was 14, but he saw how the drought was choking the valley.

He knew it wasn’t as simple as packing up and leaving, however. He needed a better income to help provide for his daughter and help his parents.

“I always thought of a better future,” Sergio said. He used to get paid $11 an hour but now makes twice as much, he said.

With few community activities, Torres looks forward to the days when school administrators call for parent-teacher meetings. Or when nonprofit organizations host community workshops on healthful eating and how to be better parents.

On those days, she, Avila and Rodríguez organize a potluck among themselves. They stay as long as possible until they have to return to their routines. Torres and Rodríguez each pay about $5 for a ride from the county’s rural transit agency; Avila drives home in her car.

Irrigation pipes lay unused in Cantua Creek.
Irrigation pipes lay unused in Cantua Creek. For decades, farm labor has kept unincorporated communities alive throughout the Central Valley. But the drought is making it hard to stay. (Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)

 

Still, Rodríguez hasn’t lost hope.

She believes they will move when her daughters are older and ready for college. Fresno City College and Fresno State are both about an hour away, and the commute can be dangerous in the winter when tule fog blankets the area.

Her daughters are looking to the future too. Her eldest, Bianca, is eager to explore places where she isn’t told to be cautious of the water and mindful of the drought.

“The only good thing about this place is that it’s pretty peaceful,” she said. “But it gets lonely and there’s not much to do out here, so it gets really boring.”

For now, Rodríguez is thinking of ways to remain busy. If she isn’t baby-sitting, she’ll take orders for homemade piñatas and make mosaic gelatin for parties. So far she’s had only a handful of orders.

“It’s not that we can’t be successful here,” she said. “But we have to fight for better.”

If you feel that the world’s environment is doomed after the raging summer of hurricanes, floods, and wildfires, you could be suffering from ‘eco-anxiety’

If you feel that the world’s environment is doomed after the raging summer of hurricanes, floods, and wildfires, you could be suffering from ‘eco-anxiety’

man
A young man watches as flames rise and smoke billows from a forest during a wildfire near Gonfaron, France, on August 17, 2021. Nicolas Tucat/AFP via Getty Images
 

  • Eco-anxiety is on the rise as more people become aware of how climate change will impact them.
  • Younger people are feeling particularly anxious about the world they’re inheriting, research shows.
  • Insider spoke to experts and people with eco-anxiety to find out more about their worries.

Jennie Ferrara’s husband brought home the newspaper one day because he thought the front-page story would interest his wife. Instead, it almost made her faint.

The year was 2008, and some of the leading oil companies in the world were announcing plans to extract more oil from Canada’s tar sands – a move that would prove detrimental to the environment.

Ferrara, who is originally from Texas but lives in Denmark, had felt pessimistic about the environment for many years, but the headline that day tipped her over the edge.

“When I looked, just looked, at the front page, I practically went comatose,” Ferrara recalled to Insider.

“It feels like you’re suddenly zooming in on something, your body goes a bit numb and everything around you goes quiet … You lose all energy and question your will to live,” she said.

Ferrara was experiencing a form of so-called “eco-anxiety” – a term that’s officially been defined by the American Psychiatric Association (APA) ​​as “the chronic fear of environmental doom.”

She is among a growing number of people who have found that the rapidly declining state of the planet is impacting their mental health.

New York City historic flooding
New York City historic flooding Reuters

According to the latest research, “eco-anxiety” is more present than ever.

A recent survey published by Yale University found that more than 40% of Americans felt “helpless” about the state of the planet. And according to a 2020 poll by the APA, more than half of Americans said they were somewhat or extremely anxious about the impact of climate change on their own mental health.

The world is waking up to climate change

“We’ve seen a growing number of people who are feeling an emotional response to what’s happening by living in such a changing world,” Leslie Davenport, a climate psychology consultant and therapist based in Tacoma, Washington, told Insider.

Davenport said that part of the reason behind the rise of “eco-dread” is that more people are realizing “how much climate change is impacting us on a personal level.”

This summer alone, Hurricane Ida submerged entire homes in water, much of Germany was destroyed by historic flooding, and wildfires in southern Europe and North America displaced hundreds of people.

“It was easier in the past to keep climate change as somewhere off in the future, something happening somewhere else to somebody else … But now, as the effects are on the rise, our responses are on the rise too,” Davenport added.

As a climate psychology consultant, Davenport works with clients who experience a whole spectrum of reactions to climate change.

Some – like Ferrara – experience very strong physical sensations. They have difficulties breathing or feel like they’re having a heart attack, she said.

Others have more subtle symptoms – they cry randomly, can’t sleep at night, or often feel irritable and on edge.

wildfire
Fred Heldreth covers his face for protection from the holy fire smoke burning through Orange and Riverside county in Lake Elsinore, CA. Maria Alejandra Cardona/Contributor/Los Angeles Times

 

Her clients vary in age, although research shows that specifically younger generations feel distraught about the planet they’re inheriting.

Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation poll from 2019 found that 57 percent of American teenagers said that climate change made them feel scared, while 52 percent said it made them angry.

In 2019, climate activist Clover Hogan set up Force of Nature, which aims to tackle this. Her team teaches students aged 11-24 about the climate crisis to help them navigate their anxiety and realize their potential to get involved.

“At the end of the day, none of us are responsible or capable of solving the climate crisis alone. We’re not capable of changing it overnight. Yet what we are capable of changing overnight, is our mindset,” Hogan told Insider.

“If we can change the way that we think about the issues, if we can change the way that we respond to those emotions and rather than running away from them, hold space for them and think about the power of them to create change, the more empowered and agency we are going to feel.”

California climate strike
Protesters are seen during a climate change demonstration shouting slogans while holding placards in Los Angeles, CA. Ronen Tivony/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

 

Ferrara has dealt with her climate-induced fears by channeling them into her own forms of activism.

In 2011, she started a blog called “Climate Worrier, made numerous podcasts about eco-anxiety, and is now teaching school children in Denmark about the climate and saving urban trees.

Apart from a few exceptions, she has stopped flying and said she hasn’t gotten a physical reaction from reading news headlines in years.

“We need to be careful and open and kind when we are talking about the climate crisis and climate anxiety because we’re often made to think that the problem lies with the individual, which makes it seem as though it’s the individual’s problem to fix,” she said. “It is not.”

How America Made Osama Bin Laden’s Dream Come True

How America Made Osama Bin Laden’s Dream Come True

Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast / Photo Getty
Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast / Photo Getty
After 20 years, who won the War on Terror?

In a 2004 speech sent to al-JazeeraOsama bin Laden said that “all that we have to do is send two mujahideen to the furthest point east to raise a piece of cloth that says al-Qaeda, in order to make generals race there to cause America to suffer human, economic and political losses without their achieving anything of note.”

If bin Laden were alive today—and not a decaying, bullet-riddled corpse somewhere in the North Arabian Sea—he might crack a smug smile upon witnessing the United States end its disastrous war in Afghanistan with a chaotic and humiliating withdrawal.

Although bin Laden thankfully failed to achieve most of his initial goals with the 9/11 terror attacks, he unfortunately succeeded in weakening the world’s most formidable superpower by baiting it into wounding itself.

McChrystal: ‘Impossible to Argue’ War on Terror Was Worth It

Afghanistan remains a testament to how bin Laden and a small group of fanatical, violent extremists left a bloody, enduring footprint on global politics. The 1979 invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union was the radicalizing “shock and awe” moment for bin Laden and his generation of violent extremists, transforming the privileged scion of one of Saudi Arabia’s wealthiest families into the leader of a terrorist organization responsible for the worst terror attack on US soil. It bears reminding that in the 1980s, some of these men were mujahideen supported and praised as “freedom fighters” by the Reagan administration for fighting the godless, Communist Soviet threat.

In addition to being a training and recruitment ground for future violent terrorists, Afghanistan at the time also provided bin Laden a valuable lesson that he later used against the United States. “We, alongside the mujahideen, bled Russia for 10 years, until it went bankrupt,” bin Laden bragged in 2004. He knew he couldn’t defeat a superpower through traditional warfare; however, he could bleed them by unleashing a “war of a thousand cuts.” It would be a long, ugly war of attrition, in which a super power, with its hubris and its ginormous war machine, would overcommit its time and resources and eventually be entangled and stuck in a quagmire with rising costs, casualties, and dissension back at home.

It’s important to remember that the 9/11 terror attacks that claimed 3,000 lives were committed by 19 foreign hijackers, 15 of whom were from Saudi Arabia, two from the UAE, one from Lebanon and one from Egypt. None were from Iraq or Afghanistan. After the terror attacks, Ann Coulter wrote that the United States had to “invade [Muslim] countries, kill their leaders and convert them to Christianity.” So, naturally, the U.S. spent trillions of dollars fighting two disastrous wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. We eventually found bin Laden hiding in a compound with his family in another Muslim-majority country, Pakistan, nearly a decade after the initial terror attacks. Democracy did not bloom across the region, Muslims didn’t convert to Christianity, and nobody welcomed U.S. troops as “liberators.” Instead, the war effort further engendered anti-Americanism and violent extremism across the region.

“So the war went ahead, the death toll rose, the American economy bled, and Bush became embroiled in the swamps of Iraq that threaten his future,” bin Laden reflected in 2004. Fast-forward 17 years and not only did that happen in Iraq, including a precipitous withdrawal that led to the rise of ISIS there and in Syria, but America’s $2 trillion and 20-year investment in propping up an Afghan civil government and army of 300,000 soldiers was wiped away in 11 days.

While Biden should be praised for renouncing his hawkish ways and committing himself to withdrawal, the manner in which it was done was an utter disaster for the Afghan people. As U.S. ally President Ashraf Ghani and his family fled to safety on a plane, thousands of Afghans, including interpreters and contractors who risked their lives to help U.S. forces, were trying desperately to flee the country, seeking protection at the Kabul airport, even trying to jump on a moving jumbo jet to escape. Meanwhile, the Taliban are still systematically hunting for collaborators and seeking to punish and kill them for helping the U.S.

Like Saigon, Kabul has become another cautionary tale of American hubris, mission creep, jingoistic propaganda, and racism that resulted in a needless, bloody, protracted war that eventually forced the world’s greatest superpower to retreat, humbled by a rag-tag, under-resourced but utterly committed army.

Daily Beast contributing editor Spencer Ackerman, author of the recently released Reign of TerrorHow the 9/11 Era Destabilized America and Produced Trump, nonetheless pushes back on the idea that bin Laden actually won. “One of the pitiful ironies of the War on Terror is that more than one side lost,” he told me. Although he agrees that bin Laden “succeeded at prompting the U.S. to pursue a total disaster,” Ackerman concludes “he didn’t achieve any of his real goals.”

Ackerman relates how bin Laden’s goals with the 9/11 terror attacks were to rally Muslims around the world against U.S. imperialism, first forcing U.S. retrenchment from the Middle East, followed by a toppling of corrupt and corpulent U.S.-backed regimes in the Middle East. Not only did this not happen, but Ackerman says now “the U.S. has an expanded presence in the Arab world relative to its position on 9/11.” Also, importantly, Ackerman says “bin Laden lost control of his revolution.” Al Qaeda was eventually displaced in relevance by ISIS, which Ackerman says “didn’t give a shit about bin Laden’s fight-the-US-in-order-to-topple-the apostate-regimes strategy.”

I agree with Ackerman that bin Laden failed to achieve these specific goals, including landing his “decisive blow” against the U.S. that would force it to completely withdraw from Muslim-majority countries. However, journalist Ahmed Rashid, author of Taliban and Descent Into Chaos, told me that “bin Laden certainly harmed America. I mean 3,000 people died [on 9//11]…that’s going to be with us for many generations to come. It increased the whole idea of universal and local jihad around the world. He’s had an enormous impact.”

Trump Suggests Osama bin Laden Wasn’t a ‘Monster’: He Only Had ‘One Hit’

The attacks were intended by bin Laden to “break the fear of this false god and destroy the myth of American invincibility.” As the U.S. retreats from Afghanistan, it is clearly ceding ground not just to the Taliban, but also China and Russia who still have their embassies and will normalize diplomatic relations with the Taliban to secure their interests and regional presence in Central Asia. The legacy of the war in Afghanistan includes trillions of dollars wasted, thousands of lives lost, dead U.S. soldiers, a weakened economy, increased debt, a diminishment of America’s role on the international stage, a continued betrayal of our promises to our allies—as evidenced by Afghans left behind—and our unreliability as good-faith partners, also reflected in Trump’s withdrawal from the U.S.-Iran deal.

Another disastrous part of America’s response to 9/11 was fear-mongering against Muslims and immigrants, which served as fuel for white supremacist conspiracy theories and the rise of Donald Trump who exploited the confusion and hate to rile up white voters. It should come as no surprise that ISIS and other violent Muslim extremists were actively rooting for the man who was running on a Muslim ban during the 2016 election.

Globally, Rashid says the Taliban returning to power in Afghanistan will “absolutely embolden violent jihadists around the world, especially in Pakistan. There’s no doubt about it.” If the Taliban tell these extremists to return to their home country, “this will increase problems throughout the entire region.”

It seems the only winners of this disastrous war were the original architects. Global defense contractors from the military-industrial complex reaped immense profits. No members of the Bush administration went to jail for their role in orchestrating and cheerleading the unnecessary and criminal “War on Terror,” instead, nearly all of them failed up. President George W Bush is now often seen as an eccentric painter who gives candy to Michelle Obama. The Taliban, flush with opium money, waited 20 years and retook control of Afghanistan with greater diplomatic support and relations with international allies.

The world is now a battlefield. Twenty years after the 9/11 terror attacks, America is more internally divided than ever before, with some members of the GOP actively acting as proxies for white supremacist groups. In order to “liberate” Afghanistan, an estimated 75,000 Afghan military and police officers, along with over 71,000 Afghan civilians, gave their livesThey are joined by more than 3,500 coalition soldiers and nearly 21,000 US soldiers who were injured. “As we turn the page on the foreign policy that has guided our nation the last two decade, we’ve got to learn from our mistakes,” Biden said in his address about the end of our longest war. The same week, a U.S. missile killed 10 people, including seven children, in retaliation for the ISIS-K attack on the Kabul airport.

Innocent civilians are continuing to pay the price for American mistakes. Same as it ever was.

Taliban stop planes of evacuees from leaving but unclear why

Associated Press

Taliban stop planes of evacuees from leaving but unclear why

KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — At least four planes chartered to evacuate several hundred people seeking to escape the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan have been unable to leave the country for days, officials said Sunday, with conflicting accounts emerging about why the flights weren’t able to take off as pressure ramps up on the United States to help those left behind to flee.

An Afghan official at the airport in the northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif said that the would-be passengers were Afghans, many of whom did not have passports or visas, and thus were unable to leave the country. He said they had left the airport while the situation was sorted out.

The top Republican on the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee, however, said that the group included Americans and they were sitting on the planes, but the Taliban were not letting them take off, effectively “holding them hostage.” He did not say where that information came from. It was not immediately possible to reconcile the accounts.

The final days of America’s 20-year war in Afghanistan were marked by a harrowing airlift at Kabul’s airport to evacuate tens of thousands of people — Americans and their allies — who feared what the future would hold, given the Taliban’s history of repression, particularly of women. When the last troops pulled out on Aug. 30, though, many were left behind.

The U.S. promised to continue working with the new Taliban rulers to get those who want to leave out, and the militants pledged to allow anyone with the proper legal documents to leave. But Rep. Michael McCaul of Texas told “Fox News Sunday” that American citizens and Afghan interpreters were being kept on six planes.

“The Taliban will not let them leave the airport,” he said, adding that he’s worried “they’re going to demand more and more, whether it be cash or legitimacy as the government of Afghanistan.” He did not offer more details.

The Afghan official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the subject, said it was four planes, and their intended passengers were staying at hotels while authorities worked out whether they might be able to leave the country. The sticking point, he indicated, is that many did not have the right travel papers.

Residents of Mazar-e-Sharif also said the passengers were no longer at the airport. At least 10 families were seen at a local hotel waiting, they said, for a decision on their fates. None of them had passports or visas but said they had worked for companies allied with the U.S. or German military. Others were seen at restaurants.

The State Department has no reliable way to confirm information about such charter flights, including how many American citizens might be on them, since it no longer has people on the ground, according to a U.S. official. But the department will hold the Taliban to their pledges to let people travel freely, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly on the matter.

The small airport at Mazar-e-Sharif only recently began to handle international flights and so far only to Turkey. The planes in question were bound for Doha, Qatar, the Afghan official said. It was not clear who chartered them or why they were waiting in the northern city. The massive airlift happened at Kabul’s international airport, which initially closed after the U.S. withdrawal but where domestic flights have now resumed.

Searing images of that chaotic evacuation — including people clinging to an airplane as it took off — came to define the final days of America’s longest war, just weeks after Taliban fighters retook the country in a lightning offensive.

Since their takeover, the Taliban have sought to recast themselves as different from their 1990s incarnation, when they last ruled the country and imposed repressive restrictions across society. Women and girls were denied work and education, men were forced to grow beards, and television and music were banned.

Now, the world is waiting to see the face of the new government, and many Afghans remain skeptical. In the weeks since they took power, signals have been mixed: Government employees including women have been asked to return to work, but some women were later ordered home by lower-ranking Taliban. Universities and schools have been ordered open, but fear has kept both students and teachers away.

Women have demonstrated peacefully, some even having conversations about their rights with Taliban leaders. But some have been dispersed by Taliban special forces firing in the air.

Among the promises the Taliban have made is that once the country’s airports are up and running, Afghans with passports and visas would be allowed to travel. More than 100 countries issued a statement saying they would be watching to see that the new rulers held to their commitment.

Technical teams from Qatar and Turkey arrived in recent days and are working to get the civilian airport operational.

On Saturday, state-run Ariana Airlines made its first domestic flights, which continued on Sunday. The airport is without radar facilities, so flights are restricted to daylight hours to allow for visual landing, said official Shershah Stor.

Several countries have also been bringing in humanitarian supplies. The Gulf state of Qatar, where the Taliban maintained a political office since 2013, is making daily flights into Kabul, delivering humanitarian aid for the war-weary nation. Bahrain also announced humanitarian assistance deliveries.

Meanwhile, the Taliban stepped up an assault on the last remaining pocket of resistance being led by fighters opposed to their rule.

The anti-Taliban fighters in Panjshir province, north of the Afghan capital, are being led by former vice president Amrullah Saleh, who has appealed for humanitarian aid to help the thousands of people displaced by the fighting.

A senior Taliban spokesman tweeted Sunday that Taliban troops had overrun Rokha district, one of largest of eight districts in Panjshir. Several Taliban delegations have attempted negotiations with the holdouts there, but talks have failed to gain traction.

Fahim Dashti, the spokesman for the group that is fighting the Taliban, was killed in a battle on Sunday, according to the group’s Twitter account. Dashti was the voice of the group and a prominent media personality during previous governments.

He was also the nephew of Abdullah Abdullah, a senior official of the former government who is involved in negotiations with the Taliban on the future of Afghanistan.

Saleh fled to Panjshir after Afghan President Ashraf Ghani quit Afghanistan as the Taliban marched on the capital. The fighters’ lightning blitz across the country took less than a week to overrun some 300,000 government troops, most of whom surrendered or fled.

Associated Press writers Rahim Faiez and Tameem Akhgar in Istanbul and Ellen Knickmeyer in Oklahoma City contributed to this report.

After a Summer of Disasters, Some Lawmakers See a Chance for Climate Action

After a Summer of Disasters, Some Lawmakers See a Chance for Climate Action

A flooded underpass on Queens Boulevard in New York after torrential rains from storms precipitated by Hurricane Ida, Sept. 2, 2021. (Dakota Santiago/The New York Times)
A flooded underpass on Queens Boulevard in New York after torrential rains from storms precipitated by Hurricane Ida, Sept. 2, 2021. (Dakota Santiago/The New York Times)

 

WASHINGTON — As the country reels from the cascade of deaths and devastation wrought by this summer’s record floods, heat waves, droughts and wildfires, President Joe Biden and progressive Democrats are using the moment to push for aggressive climate provisions in a sweeping $3.5 trillion budget bill.

On Thursday, Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the majority leader, said that when the Senate returns to Washington on Tuesday to continue work on budget legislation, it would include provisions designed to reduce fossil fuel emissions linked to extreme weather.

Congress is also considering a $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill that includes money to help communities gird against climate disasters. The Senate passed the bill last month and the House is expected to vote on it by late September.

That legislation includes $47 billion over five years in funding to improve the nation’s flood defenses, limit damage from wildfires, develop new sources of drinking water in areas plagued by drought and relocate some communities away from risky areas. It also contains $27 billion in spending to help harden electric grids against extreme weather events that are causing more frequent blackouts.

Schumer said the infrastructure and budget bills were paramount to prepare communities for more powerful storms, fires, droughts and floods and to stop the pollution that would heat the planet further and lead to even more extreme weather.

“Global warming is upon us, and it’s going to get worse and worse and worse unless we do something about it, and that’s why it’s so imperative to pass the two bills, the infrastructure bill and the budget reconciliation bill,” he said.

Of the two pieces of legislation, the budget bill faces the more perilous path. Republicans are uniformly opposed to it because it also includes a raft of social spending, like funds for universal child care.

Some Democrats are also unhappy with the $3.5 trillion price tag and want to scale it back, although a few who initially balked at the cost now say they may make an exception when it comes to climate provisions.

The budget bill will include a potent tool to cut greenhouse gas emissions — an incentive program designed to replace most of the nation’s coal- and gas-fired power plants over the next decade with wind, solar and nuclear plants. It would be the strongest policy to fight climate change enacted by the United States.

Biden and progressive Democrats say the summer disasters that have shocked the country, from lethal flooding in New York to severe drought in the Midwest to raging wildfires in California, will give them leverage during negotiations on the budget bill. Progressive Democrats also hope to use the budget bill to make polluters pay for those clean power programs — for example, by imposing tariffs on imported goods from countries that don’t regulate greenhouse pollution, and fees on emissions of methane, a planet-warming gas that leaks from oil and gas wells.

It remains far from certain whether those provisions will make it into the budget bill.

Because no Republicans are expected to vote for the final package, Democrats will need every vote in their razor-thin House and Senate majorities to push it through.

But this week, Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., called for Congress to “hit a strategic pause” on the bill. In an opinion article in The Wall Street Journal, he wrote, “I have always said if I can’t explain it, I can’t vote for it, and I can’t explain why my Democratic colleagues are rushing to spend $3.5 trillion.”

A spokeswoman for Manchin did not return an email requesting comment.

Manchin, whose coal-rich state could be hurt by climate legislation designed to phase out fossil fuels, has been noncommittal about the program to replace coal- and gas-fired plants with zero-emission energy sources. If he or any other Democrat from a coal, oil or gas state opposed the provision, it could be dropped from the final version.

But Sen. Tina Smith, D-Minn., chief author of the power plant provision, said she believed the extreme weather that has so recently scorched, deluged and destroyed so many regions of the country would make it harder in the next two weeks for any Democrat to justify cutting it.

“For the last couple of days, this part of the state has been in one of the most extreme droughts that we’ve seen in a generation,” said Smith, who spoke by telephone from Minnesota. “I spent yesterday talking with cattle producers. They are liquidating their herds way earlier than they would have. They don’t have the feed and forage to keep their herds together. And I can’t believe I’m the only senator hearing about this while I’m home, when you think about the reach of extreme weather across the country. And I think that dynamic is shaping the negotiations.”

Meanwhile, in a letter to Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California, Reps. Stephanie Murphy of Florida and Henry Cuellar of Texas, both moderate Democrats, laid out “overarching principles” they wanted to see as lawmakers write the details of the budget bill. Both members were among the group of moderate and conservative Democrats who had recoiled at passing the initial $3.5 trillion budget before Pelosi issued a series of commitments, including assurances that the measure would be fully financed and would not include any provisions that could not clear the Senate.

But in the letter, first reported by Politico and later obtained by The New York Times, the two Democrats said they were willing to make a possible exception for spending to address climate change because nonpartisan cost estimates “do not adequately account for the future costs associated with inaction on the climate crisis.”

While efforts to reduce emissions remain contentious, there is a broader consensus around the need to prepare communities for the impacts of extreme weather. Few corners of the country have been left unscathed by the string of disasters this summer: overflowing rivers in Tennessee, a hurricane in Louisiana, a deadly heat wave in the Pacific Northwest and floods in New York City.

The infrastructure bill approved by the Senate would mark a large shift in the federal government’s approach to extreme weather events. Rather than simply paying to rebuild communities after disasters, the bill would provide the largest single infusion of federal money ever to prepare states and cities for future climate impacts ahead of time.

For instance, the Department of Transportation would get $8.7 billion to help states address future climate risks to their roads and transit systems. Much of the nation’s infrastructure was designed to handle weather conditions of the past, which are becoming increasingly obsolete as the planet warms. This week, New York City’s subway, parts of which were designed a century ago, was paralyzed after a storm poured huge amounts of water into stations and tunnels.

Many of those provisions have drawn support from Republicans, including those who have dismissed the threat of climate change in the past. In an interview with CNBC this week, Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., urged his party to rally around the infrastructure bill after Hurricane Ida left a trail of destruction in his state.

“If we are going to make our country more resilient to natural disasters wherever they are, we have to start preparing now,” Cassidy said. “I’m sure hoping that Republicans look around my state, see this damage and say, ‘If there’s money for resiliency, money to harden the grid, money to help sewer and water, then maybe this is something we should be for.’ ”

But while climate experts praised many of the resilience measures in the bill, they cautioned that it quite likely wouldn’t be enough. In 2018, the federal government’s National Climate Assessment estimated that adapting to climate change could ultimately cost “tens to hundreds of billions of dollars per year.”

“If we really want to get ahead of the curve of ever-steepening climate impacts, it’s not enough to do a one-off resilience bill every five years,” said Rob Moore, a senior policy analyst with the Natural Resources Defense Council. “We need to start weaving resilience measures into every single dollar that governments spend on infrastructure.”

For now, there seems to be little appetite in Congress for enlarging the adaptation provisions in the infrastructure bill, although some lawmakers have pushed for additional measures in the budget bill. Some progressive Democrats have, for instance, pushed for the creation of the Civilian Climate Corps, modeled after a New Deal program, that would hire young Americans to work on climate resilience projects.

But even if adaptation measures garner wide bipartisan support, some experts warn that they could soon reach their limit unless nations like the United States rapidly reduce their greenhouse gas emissions and slow the pace of global warming.

“We’re not even ready for the disasters that are coming at us now,” said Rachel Cleetus, climate policy director at the Union of Concerned Scientists. “And there’s just no way we’re going to be able to get ahead of what’s coming in the future unless we can get our emissions and climate change in check.”

Trump’s coup attempt has not stopped – and Democrats must wake up

Trump’s coup attempt has not stopped – and Democrats must wake up

<span>Photograph: Daniel Steinle/EPA</span>
Photograph: Daniel Steinle/EPA

 

The former president’s attempted coup is not stopping. He still refuses to concede and continues to rile up supporters with his bogus claim that the 2020 election was stolen. Tens of millions of Americans believe him.

Last Sunday, at a Republican event in Franklin, North Carolina, Congressman Madison Cawthorn, repeating Trump’s big lie, called the rioters who stormed the Capitol on 6 January “political hostages”.

Cawthorn also advised the crowd to begin stockpiling ammunition for what he said was likely to be American-versus-American “bloodshed” over unfavorable election results.

“Much as I am willing to defend our liberty at all costs,” he said, “there’s nothing I would dread doing more than having to pick up arms against a fellow American.”

On Tuesday, Texas Republicans passed a strict voter law based on Trump’s big lie – imposing new ID requirements on people seeking to vote by mail and criminal penalties on election officials who send unsolicited mail-in ballot applications, empowering partisan poll watchers, and banning drive-through and 24-hour voting.

This year, at least 18 other states have enacted 30 laws that will make it harder for Americans to vote, based on Trump’s lie.

On Thursday, at Trump’s instigation, Pennsylvania Republicans launched an investigation soliciting sworn testimony on election “irregularities”, scheduling the first hearing for next week.

Even as Trump’s attempted coup gains traction, most of America continues to sleep. We’ve become outrage-fatigued

Arizona’s Republican “audit” will report its results any day. There’s little question what they’ll show. The chief executive of Cyber Ninjas, the company hired to conduct it, has publicly questioned the election results. The audit team consists of Trump supporters and is funded by a group led by Trump’s first national security adviser, Michael Flynn.

The Republican chair of the Wisconsin state assembly campaigns and elections committee has begun “a full, cyber-forensic audit”, akin to Arizona’s. Trump’s first White House chief of staff, Reince Priebus, says Wisconsin Republicans are prepared to spend $680,000.

These so-called audits won’t alter the outcome of the 2020 election. Their point is to cast further doubt on its legitimacy and justify additional state measures to suppress votes and alter future elections.

It’s a vicious cycle. As Trump continues to stoke his base with his big lie that the election was stolen, Republican lawmakers – out to advance their careers and entrench the GOP – are adding fuel to the fire, pushing more Americans into Trump’s paranoid nightmare.

The three top candidates to succeed Richard Burr in North Carolina all denounced the senator’s vote to convict Trump in his second impeachment trial. The four leading candidates to succeed Pat Toomey in Pennsylvania all embraced Trump’s call for an “audit” of election results.

A leading contender for the Senate seat being vacated by Richard Shelby in Alabama is Representative Mo Brooks, best known for urging the crowd at Trump’s rally preceding the Capitol riot to “start taking down names and kicking ass”. Brooks has been endorsed by Trump.

Yet even as Trump’s attempted coup gains traction, most of the rest of America continues to sleep. We’ve become so outrage-fatigued by his antics, and so preoccupied with the more immediate threats of the Delta variant and climate-fueled wildfires and hurricanes, that we prefer not to know.

A month ago it was reported that during his last weeks in office Trump tried to strong-arm the justice department to falsely declare the 2020 presidential election fraudulent, even threatening to fire the acting attorney general if he didn’t: “Just say that the election was corrupt and leave the rest to me and the [Republican] congressmen.”

The news barely registered on America’s collective mind. The Olympics and negotiations over the infrastructure bill got more coverage.

A top Trump adviser now says Trump is “definitely running” for president in 2024, even though the 14th amendment to the constitution bars anyone from holding office who has “engaged in insurrection or rebellion against” the nation.

Federal legislation that would pre-empt state voter suppression laws is bogged down in the Senate. Biden hasn’t made it a top priority. A House select committee to investigate the Capitol riot and Trump’s role is barely off the ground. The justice department has made no move to indict the former president for anything.

But unless Trump and his co-conspirators are held accountable for the damage they have inflicted and continue to inflict on American democracy, and unless Senate Democrats and Biden soon enact national voting rights legislation, Trump’s attempted coup could eventually succeed.

It is imperative that America wake up.

Over 24 hours in Kabul, brutality, trauma, moments of grace

Over 24 hours in Kabul, brutality, trauma, moments of grace

 

Bone-tired like everyone else in Kabul, Taliban fighters spent the last moments of the 20-year Afghanistan war watching the night skies for the flares that would signal the United States was gone. From afar, U.S. generals watched video screens with the same anticipation.

Relief washed over the war’s winners and the losers when the final U.S. plane took off.

For those in between and left behind — possibly a majority of the allied Afghans who sought U.S. clearance to escape — fear spread about what comes next, given the Taliban’s history of ruthlessness and repression of women. And for thousands of U.S. officials and volunteers working around the world to place Afghan refugees, there is still no rest.

As witnessed by The Associated Press in Kabul and as told by people The AP interviewed from all sides, the war ended with episodes of brutality, enduring trauma, a massive if fraught humanitarian effort and moments of grace.

Enemies for two decades were thrust into a bizarre collaboration, joined in a common goal — the Taliban and the United States were united in wanting the United States out. They wanted, too, to avoid another deadly terrorist attack. Both sides had a stake in making the last 24 hours work.

In that stretch, the Americans worried that extremists would take aim at the hulking, helicopter-swallowing transport planes as they lifted off with the last U.S. troops and officials. Instead, in the green tint of night-vision goggles, the Americans looked down to goodbye waves from Taliban fighters on the tarmac.

The Taliban had worried that the Americans would rig the airport with mines. Instead the Americans left them with two useful fire trucks and functional front-end loaders along with a bleak panorama of self-sabotaged U.S. military machinery.

After several sleepless nights from the unrelenting thunder of U.S. evacuation flights overhead, Hemad Sherzad joined his fellow Taliban fighters in celebration from his post at the airport.

“We cried for almost an hour out of happiness,” Sherzad told AP. “We yelled a lot — even our throat was in pain.”

In the Pentagon operations center just outside Washington at the same time, you could hear a pin drop as the last C-17 took off. You could also hear sighs of relief from the top military officials in the room, even through COVID masks. President Joe Biden, determined to end the war and facing widespread criticism for his handling of the withdrawal, got the word from his national security adviser during a meeting with aides.

“I refused to send another generation of America’s sons and daughters to fight a war that should have ended long ago,” he said.

Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was among those watching at the Pentagon. “All of us are conflicted with feelings of pain and anger, sorrow and sadness,” he said later, “combined with pride and resilience.”

It was a harrowing 24 hours, capped Monday by the final C-17 takeoff at 11:59 p.m. in Kabul. Some who spoke to The AP about that period requested anonymity. U.S. officials who did so were not authorized to identify themselves.

AIRPORT MADNESS

Before leaving Kabul, a U.S. consular officer with 25 years at the State Department was busy trying to process special visas for qualifying Afghans who made it through the Taliban, Afghan military and U.S. checkpoints into the airport. What she saw was wrenching.

“It was horrendous what the people had to go through to get in,” she said. “Some people had spent three to five days waiting. On the inside we could hear the live ammunition being fired to keep the crowds back and the ones who made it in would tell us about Taliban soldiers with whips, sticks with nails in them, flash-bang grenades and tear gas pushing people back.”

Even more upsetting, she said, were the children who got inside the airport separated from family, some plucked by chance out of teeming crowds by U.S. troops or others. As many as 30 children a day, many confused and all of them frightened, were showing up alone for evacuation flights during the 12 days she was on the ground.

A small unit at the airport for unaccompanied children set up by Norway was quickly overwhelmed, prompting UNICEF to take over. UNICEF is now running a center for unaccompanied child evacuees in Qatar.

More broadly, the U.S. sent thousands of employees to more than a half-dozen spots around Europe and the Middle East for screening and processing Afghan refugees before they moved on to the United States, or were rejected. U.S. embassies in Mexico, South Korea, India and elsewhere operated virtual call centers to handle the deluge of emails and calls on the evacuations.

Over the previous days in Kabul, many Afghans were turned back by the Taliban; others were allowed past them only to be stopped at a U.S. checkpoint. It was madness trying to sort out who satisfied both sides and could make it through the gauntlet.

Some Taliban soldiers appeared to be out for rough justice; others were disciplined, even collegial, over the last hours they spent face to face with U.S. troops at the airport. Some were caught off-guard by the U.S. decision to leave a day earlier than called for in the agreement between the combatants.

Sherzad said he and and fellow Taliban soldiers gave cigarettes to the Americans at the airport and snuff to Afghans still in the uniform of their disintegrating army.

By then, he said, “everyone was calm. Just normal chitchat.” Yet, “We were just counting minutes and moments for the time to rise our flag after full independence.”

U.S. efforts to get at-risk Afghans and others onto the airport grounds were complicated by the viral spread of an electronic code that the U.S. sought to provide to those given priority for evacuation, said a senior State Department official who was on the ground in Kabul until Monday.

The official said the code, intended for local Afghan staff at the U.S. Embassy, had been shared so widely and quickly that almost all people seeking entry had a copy on their phone within an hour of it being distributed.

At the same time, the official said, some U.S. citizens showed up with large groups of Afghans, many not eligible for priority evacuation. And there were Afghan “entrepreneurs” who would falsely claim to be at an airport gate with groups of prominent at-risk Afghan officials.

“It involved some really painful trade-offs for everyone involved,” the official said of the selections for evacuation. “Everyone who lived it is haunted by the choices we had to make.”

The official said it appeared to him, at least anecdotally, that a majority of the Afghans who applied for special visas because of their past or present ties with the U.S. did not make it out.

Among the hurdles was the design of the airport itself. It had been constructed with restrictive access to prevent terrorist attacks and did not lend itself to allowing any large groups of people inside, let alone thousands frantically seeking entry. All of this unfolded under constant fear of another attack from an Islamic State offshoot that killed 169 Afghans and 13 U.S. service members in the Aug. 26 suicide bombing at the airport.

There were times, said another U.S. official familiar with the process, when Afghans made it on to evacuation planes, only to be pulled off before the flight when they were found to be on no-fly lists.

This official said that as far as is known, all but one U.S. Embassy employee made it out. That person had the required special visa but couldn’t bear to leave her parents and other relatives behind. Despite pleading from Afghan and American colleagues to get on the evacuation bus to the airport, she opted to stay, the official said.

But a 24-year-old former U.S. contractor, Salim Yawer, who obtained visas and a gate pass with the help of his brother, a U.S. citizen, never got out with his wife and children aged 4 and 1 1/2. They tried four times to get to the airport before the Americans left.

“Each time we tried getting to the gate, I was afraid my small children would come under feet of other people,” he said. He, too, did not expect the Americans to leave Monday, and he went back to the airport the next day.

“We didn’t know that night that the Americans would leave us behind,” Yawer said. ”Monday, still, there were U.S. forces and planes and hopes among people. But Tuesday was a day of disappointment. … Taliban were all over the area and there was no plane in the sky of Kabul anymore.”

Yawer owned a Kabul construction company and traveled to various provinces doing work for the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, he said from his village back in northern Kapisa province, where he fled.

COUNTDOWN

On the evening of Sunday, Aug. 29, in Kabul, surveillance showed people loading explosives into the trunk of a vehicle, U.S. officials said. The U.S. had been watching the car for hours, with reports of an imminent threat of another Islamic State militant attack. An American RQ-9 Reaper drone launched a Hellfire missile into the vehicle, in a compound between two buildings. U.S. officials said surveillance showed the initial missile explosion, followed by a large fireball, which they believed to be caused by the explosives in the vehicle. Neighbors disputed the U.S. claims of a vehicle packed with explosives.

On the ground, Najibullah Ismailzada said his brother-in-law Zemarai Ahmadi had just arrived home from his job working with a Korean charity. As he drove into the garage, his children came out to greet him, and that’s when the missile struck.

“We lost 10 members of our family,” Ismailzada said. Six ranged in age from 2 to 8. He said another relative, Naser Nejrabi, who was an ex-soldier in the Afghan army and interpreter for the U.S. military, also was killed, along with two teenagers.

Several hours after the drone strike, Biden was at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware to witness the dignified transfer of the remains of the 13 U.S. troops killed in the previous week’s suicide bombing and to meet the bereaved families. The card he keeps with him, listing the number of American service members who have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, had been updated with “plus 13,” according to a person familiar with the president’s exchange with the families.

In the final scramble at the Kabul airport that evening, evacuees were directed to specific gates as U.S. commanders communicated directly with the Taliban to get people out.

— About 8 a.m. Monday, explosions could be heard as five rockets were launched toward the airport. Three fell outside the airport, one landed inside but did no damage and one was intercepted by the U.S. anti-rocket system. No one was hurt.

Again, Islamic State militants, common foe of both the Taliban and the Americans, were suspected as the source.

— Through the morning, the last 1,500 or so Afghans to get out of the country before the U.S. withdrawal left on civilian transport. By 1:30 p.m., 1,200 U.S. troops remained on the ground and flights began to move them steadily out.

U.S. airpower — bombers, fighter jets, armed drones and the special operations helicopters known as Little Birds — provided air cover.

— Into the evening, U.S. troops finished several days’ work destroying or removing military equipment. They disabled 27 Humvees and 73 aircraft, often draining transmission fluids and engine oil and running the engines until they seized. They used thermite grenades to destroy the system that had intercepted a rocket that morning. Equipment useful for civilian airport purposes, like the fire trucks, were left behind for the new authorities.

— At the end, fewer than 1,000 troops remained. Five C-17 planes came in darkness to take them out, with crews specially trained to fly into and out of airfields at night without air traffic control.

From Scott Air Force Base in Illinois, Gen. Jacqueline Van Ovost, commander of Air Mobility Command, watched on video screens as the aircraft filled and lined up for takeoff. An iconic image showed Maj. Gen. Christopher Donahue, commander of the 82nd Airborne Division, carrying his M-4 rifle as he walked into a C-17 and into history as the last of the U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan.

Crisp orders and messages captured the last moments.

“Chock 5 100% accounted for,” said one message, meaning all five aircraft were fully loaded and all people accounted for. ”Clamshell,” came an order, meaning retract the C-17 ramps one by one. Then, “flush the force,” meaning get out.

— One minute to midnight, the last of the five took off.

Soon came the message “MAF Safe,” meaning the Mobility Air Forces were gone from Kabul air space and in safe skies.

The American generals relaxed. From the ground in Kabul, Taliban fighter Mohammad Rassoul, known among other fighters as “Afghan Eagle,” had been watching, too.

“Our eyes were on the sky desperately waiting,” he said. The roar of planes that had kept him up for two nights had stopped. The Taliban flares at the airport streaked the sky.

“After 20 years of struggle we achieved our target,” Rassoul said. He dared hope for a better life for his wife, two daughters and son.

“I want my children to grow up under peace,” he said. “Away from drone strikes.”

Akhgar and Faiez reported from Istanbul; Lee, Baldor and Woodward from Washington. Associated Press writers Kathy Gannon in Kabul, Robert Burns, Aamer Madhani and Zeke Miller in Washington and Ellen Knickmeyer in Oklahoma City contributed.