Why 22 Senate Republicans defied Trump and voted for aid to Ukraine
Ayesha Ali – February 13, 2024
Early Tuesday morning, 22 Senate Republicans defied Donald Trump and voted with Democrats to pass a $95 billion foreign aid package — most if for Ukraine and Israel.
The former president and other Senate Republicans had tried to kill the measure that President Biden has called critical.
He earlier had stopped a version that included border security provisions, wanting to deny Biden a win on immigration and claiming he could get do better if he regains the White House.
Here’s why some of the Republicans who went against Trump said they voted as they did, although few, if any, made much mention of Trump.
PHOTO: Former President Donald Trump speaks at Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, N.J., June 13, 2023. (Andrew Harnik/AP, FILE)
Several GOP senators noted the supplemental aid package includes $26 billion to help replenish U.S. military stockpiles depleted by ammunition and other equipment and supplies sent to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, according to a bill summary.
Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said in a statement, “The national security supplemental we passed today equips our country with the resources to restore American deterrence and resolve amid rising threats and President Biden’s weakness.”
PHOTO: Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va.,, left, speaks during a news conference on the Administration’s pause on LNG exports, Feb. 8, 2024, on Capitol Hill in Washington, as Sen. Dan Sullivan, R-Alaska, right, looks on. (Mariam Zuhaib/AP)
Sen. Todd Young, R-Ind., also said the bill would revitalize the U.S. defense industry.
“This bill also will help rebuild our defense industrial base, which has significantly diminished in recent years,” he said. “Restoring our military readiness — from artillery to semiconductors — is critical not to promoting war but to deterring conflict.”
Sen. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., the top Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, also emphasized U.S. national security concerns.
“My primary obligation as a U.S. senator is protecting America. This national defense legislation counters the Biden administration’s weak defense policy decisions and will save American lives,” he said.
Sen. Kevin Cramer of North Dakota justified his vote by saying the House would be able to “take an imperfect bill and make it better.”
Sen. John Boozman of Arkansas echoed Cramer.
“It was still important to advance the process so the House of Representatives can influence these policies and help secure even better outcomes,” he said.
Support for allies
Prior to the vote, Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, took to the Senate floor to warn of consequences if Ukraine and Israel were not sent the aid.
“Why am I so focused on this vote? Because I don’t want to be on the pages of history that we will regret,” he said. “If we walk away, you will see the alliance that is supporting Ukraine crumble, you will ultimately see China become emboldened. And I am not going to be on that page of history.”
PHOTO: Sen. Mike Crapo, R-Idaho, left and Sen. Jim Risch, R-Idaho, right, walks through the U.S. Capitol, Feb. 7, 2024, in Washington. (Mariam Zuhaib/AP)
Sen. Mike Crapo, R-Idaho, also underscored the necessity of standing by allies, but said the United States can’t ensure global security alone.
“The United States cannot be the policeman of the world, nor can we engage in every conflict, which is why we must support allies who will stand with us in what is a very dangerous time globally,” he said.
Ahead of the Senate vote on the supplemental aid package, Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina did mention Trump. He released a statement Monday evening suggesting that the aid to Ukraine and Israel in the package be given as a loan instead, an idea Trump had proposed.
PHOTO: Ranking member Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., speaks during the Senate Judiciary Committee’s hearing on online child safety on Capitol Hill, Jan. 31, 2024 in Washington. (Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)
“A loan on friendly terms allows America, who is deeply in debt, a chance to get our money back and changes the paradigm of how we help others,” Graham said. “President Trump is right to insist that we think outside the box.”
Graham, usually a national security hawk who previously had supported aid to Ukraine, voted against it.
The 22 Senate Republicans who voted to pass the aid are: John Boozman, Shelley Moore Capito, Bill Cassidy, Susan Collins, John Cornyn, Kevin Cramer, Mike Crapo, Joni Ernst, Chuck Grassley, John Hoeven, John Kennedy, Mitch McConnell, Jerry Moran, Lisa Murkowski, Jim Risch, Mitt Romney, Mike Rounds, Dan Sullivan, John Thune, Thom Tillis, Roger Wicker, Todd Young.
ABC News’ Allie Pecorin contributed to this report.
Here Are the Republicans Breaking With Their Party to Back Ukraine Aid
Carl Hulse – February 13, 2024
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) gives a thumbs up as the Senate votes to pass a long-awaited foreign aid package for Ukraine and Israel early Tuesday morning, Feb. 13, 2024. (Anna Rose Layden/The New York Times)
WASHINGTON — Seventeen Senate Republicans have bucked a majority of their party and former President Donald Trump in joining Democrats to push military assistance for Ukraine toward approval in the Senate, highlighting a widening foreign policy divide in the contemporary Republican Party.
The 17 senators, mainly national security hawks who include several military veterans, have provided the votes necessary to overcome multiple filibusters backed by a majority of their colleagues, clearing the way for approval within days of $95 billion in aid to Ukraine, Israel and allies in the Pacific region.
“The thread that binds that group together is national security,” said Sen. Jerry Moran, R-Kan., who is one of the 17. “America’s national security, the belief that what happens in Ukraine matters to the United States, the belief that what happens in Israel matters and the belief that what happens in the South Pacific matters.”
Backing the funding could draw condemnation from Trump and his allies, a possibility that was most likely a factor in the decision of some to oppose it.
Some Republicans who have balked at the bill have suggested that they could ultimately back the legislation on final passage after trying to use their opposition to win the chance to change it — an effort that has so far not proved successful. But whether more than half of the 49 Republicans will vote for it remains an open question.
Here’s a closer look at the defectors so far, and what is motivating them.
All But Two of the Senate’s Republican Leaders
The group includes the two top Senate Republicans, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and John Thune of South Dakota, as well as two others on the leadership team: Sens. Joni Ernst of Iowa and Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia.
Two other leaders, Sens. John Barrasso of Wyoming and Steve Daines of Montana, both of whom have endorsed Trump, are opposed.
The sharp split on the funding inside the top echelons of the Senate Republican Conference mirrors a sharp division inside the party, which for much of the post-World War II era has been a strong proponent of exerting American power overseas and standing by U.S. allies. But there is a growing and strong sentiment among Republicans — encouraged by Trump — toward withdrawing from foreign involvement.
McConnell has been among the most vocal proponents of sending aid to Ukraine. He has called Ukraine’s war against Russian aggression an existential issue and argued with increasing fervor in recent days that the United States must not abandon its democratic ally standing up against President Vladimir Putin of Russia.
Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., who has been leading an effort to slow-walk the military assistance measure, on Monday called the idea that bolstering Ukraine was essential to America’s national security “ludicrous.”
“I think sending money to Ukraine actually makes our national security more endangered,” Paul said. “The leadership has come together, but it is the wrong kind of compromise. It is a compromise to loot the Treasury. They are shoveling out borrowed cash.”
Others who voted for the funding include Sens. John Cornyn of Texas, a former top Republican who is interested in rejoining leadership, and Chuck Grassley of Iowa, the longest-serving Senate Republican.
National Security Leaders and Veterans
Several members of the Armed Services Committee have backed moving ahead with the bill, including Sen. Roger Wicker of Mississippi, the senior Republican on the panel, Sens. Mike Rounds of South Dakota and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, and Ernst.
Ernst served overseas as an Iowa National Guard officer, and Sullivan is a colonel in the Marine Corps Reserve. A third Republican veteran who has been a strong backer of the aid, Sen. Todd Young of Indiana, is a former Marine officer.
Democrats have praised the Republicans who have joined them in the Ukraine effort.
“I think they understand the necessity of supporting Ukraine, particularly since this is a contest between a rules-based international order and Russian autocracy,” said Sen. Jack Reed, D-R.I., chair of the Armed Services Committee. “They also understand that it could involve our service members soon.”
Mainstream Republicans and Appropriators
Members of the Appropriations Committee, including two more-centrist senators — Susan Collins of Maine, the senior Republican on the spending panel, and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska — have also been instrumental in pushing the aid. Other appropriators behind the bill include Moran, Sen. John Kennedy of Louisiana and Capito.
The measure has the backing of a handful of others who have been known to break with their party and support bipartisan compromises, including Sens. Mitt Romney of Utah, a member of the Foreign Relations Committee; Bill Cassidy of Louisiana; and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.
“I think there is a common understanding that if we fail on this vote, if we don’t support Ukraine — this is not bluster, this is not hyperbole — bad things are going to happen,” Tillis said Monday.
Republican backers of the legislation say they cannot worry about Trump or the potential electoral consequences given the urgency behind the push to restrain Russia and avoid a wider war in Europe or Asia.
“The stakes are high, and we must meet the moment,” Collins said.
As for a potential backlash, Tillis said he was not worried.
“I slept like a baby last night,” he said, referring to his vote Sunday to overcome the filibuster by a majority of his Republican colleagues.
The following is an alphabetical list of the 17 Republicans who voted to advance the bill past its final procedural hurdle on Monday:
Biden accuses Trump of bowing to Putin by encouraging Russia to invade NATO allies that don’t meet their obligations
Kevin Liptak and Michael Williams – February 13, 2024
President Joe Biden on Tuesday slammed Donald Trump after the former president said he would encourage Russia to invade countries that don’t meet their NATO obligations, saying such comments amount to bowing down to Vladimir Putin.
The remarks – Biden’s latest criticism of Trump from the White House – are some of his harshest criticism of his likely rival on foreign policy to date.
Speaking Saturday at a rally in South Carolina, Trump said he would encourage Russia to do “whatever the hell they want” to any NATO member country that doesn’t meet spending guidelines on defense. Biden said those comments sent a “dangerous and shocking” signal.
“Can you imagine a former president of the United States saying that?” Biden asked incredulously from the State Dining Room. “The whole world heard it. The worst thing is he means it.”
Biden began his speech by encouraging the House of Representatives to “immediately” hold a vote on the Senate-passed, $95 billion supplemental aid package that would provide assistance to Ukraine, Israel and US partners in the Indo-Pacific region, as well as humanitarian assistance to Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
More than $60 billion from the Senate package would have been allocated to Ukraine, as the country prepares to mark the second anniversary of its full-scale invasion by Russia. Previous attempts to pass an aid package – combined with a border security bill – were scuttled after Trump came out in opposition.
Trump’s comment drew immediate consternation, not only from the American foreign policy establishment but from NATO allies, who have watched warily as Russia proceeds with its invasion of Ukraine.
For Biden, who has spent much of his career working on issues related to transatlantic security, the remark was particularly galling. When he heard about the remarks afterward, the president was aghast, according to a person familiar with the matter. He later issued a statement through his campaign decrying the sentiment.
The White House criticized Trump’s comments shortly after they were made.
“Encouraging invasions of our closest allies by murderous regimes is appalling and unhinged – and it endangers American national security, global stability, and our economy at home,” White House spokesperson Andrew Bates said in a statement on Saturday.
Former President Donald Trump arrives on stage during a Get Out The Vote rally at Coastal Carolina University on February 10 in Conway, South Carolina. – Win McNamee/Getty Images
But Biden’s criticism of Trump from the White House went a step further. In a speech that mentioned Trump by name at least a half-dozen times, Biden sought to forcefully rebut questions about American commitment to its allies.
“No other president in our history has bowed down to a Russian dictator,” Biden went on. “Let me say this as clearly as I can: I never will. For God’s sake, it’s dumb. It’s shameful. It’s dangerous. It’s un-American.”
On Tuesday, Biden spent a significant portion of his speech on Ukraine aid going after Trump for the remark, which he said undercut longstanding US values.
“When America gives its word, it means something. When we make a commitment, we keep it and NATO is a sacred commitment,” Biden said.
“Donald Trump looks at this as if it’s a burden,” he added.
He said Trump viewed the defense alliance as a “protection racket” and didn’t understand its role in protecting freedom and security.
“For Trump, principles never matter. Everything is transactional,” Biden said.
He said American adversaries “all cheered” when they heard Trump’s comments. “I will not walk away. I can’t imagine any other president walking away,” Biden said.
“You didn’t pay, you’re delinquent?’ No, I would not protect you. In fact, I would encourage them to do whatever the hell they want. You got to pay. You got to pay your bills.”
Trump continues to show that he is manifestly unfit for the presidency, boasting again over the weekend that he is going to unleash his own Nazi-like Gestapo force on “day one” of his presidency (what some have described as “Trump’s Kristallnacht”) in 2025 to invade “blue” parts of the country to forcibly detain and deport hundreds of thousands of black and brown undocumented residents. To accomplish such a goal will require gross violations of the law, the Constitution, and civil and human rights. The Trump regime’s reign of terror will also be an act of massive violence and civil disorder – which Dictator Trump and his agents likely desire as a pretext to invoke martial law.
By the conventional wisdom any of these (and the many other) examples of such perfidy and betrayals of American democracy, and the country’s interests and well-being more generally should disqualify Trump from public office. In total, all of them should have resulted in Trump being exiled from American public life.
Meanwhile, the American economy is extremely robust because of the Biden administration’s stewardship and leadership. The stock market is at historic highs. The labor market is strong. By political measures, such as the Democratic Party’s wins in midterm elections as well as on the state and local level, Biden should be trouncing Trump. Instead, high-quality public opinion polls consistently find Trump and Biden in a virtual tie.
The Trumpocene has broken these old norms and expectations. Of course, so-called conventional wisdom ceased to apply more than seven years ago with Trump’s victory in 2016. The American mainstream news media and political class have mostly refused to adapt to this new world and the end of normal politics.
In an attempt to gain some clarity about this increasingly bewildering “longest election ever,” what the early public opinion polls mean and how many political observers are deeply concerned that the 2024 election is increasingly feeling like a repeat of the disastrous 2016 election, I recently asked a range of experts for their thoughts and suggestions.
Cheri Jacobus is a political strategist, writer, ex-Republican, and host of the podcast “Politics With Cheri Jacobus.”
We are in for a roller coaster ride between now and November. That we are still in this uncharted territory regarding Trump is frightening, and an indication that our institutions are weaker than we suspected in even our darkest moments. The Pollyannas among us should be summarily silenced at this late stage in the game.
Attorney General Merrick Garland has let us down, allowing Trump and the worst of his crew to skate, placing us in this untenable position where Trump is to be the GOP nominee for president. Our “trust” in a Trump-corrupted Supreme Court indicates we still don’t want to accept that our highest court has been co-opted and corrupted, as Clarence Thomas is still there while his wife escapes justice as Garland looks the other way. Our media still enables Trump for clicks and ratings, and those getting rich and/or TV famous in that cottage industry that “fighting” Trump has built, are very much OK with it all; Trump is still good for business.
The good news is that Joe Biden’s team, while in an uphill struggle against these forces they should never have to face, are inching ahead. He defies conventional wisdom fairly regularly, most recently in South Carolina where he outpaced polling by 30+ points, winning 98% instead of coming in with 60-something percent the polling predicted.
I still believe there are more persuadable voters out there than conventional wisdom suggests. We saw some anecdotal evidence of this in New Hampshire where some GOP primary voters indicated if Nikki Haley were not the GOP nominee, they would vote for President Biden, or simply not vote for president at all in November. But Donald Trump is not an option — they are done with him.
Every traditional method and manner of building a Biden win, predicting a Biden win is heavily in his favor, including and especially his stellar record of results, but the persistent knocking down of the guardrails of any and all protections of our democracy continues. I fear we are becoming numb and even accustomed to this, rather than properly alarmed. I fear Vladimir Putin long ago identified the cracks, fissures, and weakness in our various institutions that comprise those guardrails, and is consistently several steps ahead of us while we are repeatedly whiplashed. Media. Supreme Court, Federal bench. Post office. Twitter. Ukraine (that 2016 RNC platform language forced by Trump/Putin team). Putin-friendly Mike Johnson as Speaker. So many things that in retrospect truly seem like connected dots, and should make us concerned that we are not willing or able to connect the dots in advance and get ahead of this.
Are we, as a country, still in denial? We are the frog being boiled slowly.
David Pepper is a lawyer, writer, political activist, and former elected official. His new book is “Saving Democracy: A User’s Manual for Every American”.
I’ve always believed it would be Trump versus Biden. And that’s what it will clearly be.
It won’t only be the longest election of all time, but viewed differently—it’s the longest attempted insurrection of all time. At the outset, the clear motivation for Trump to run again was to avoid the accountability he would otherwise face for his actions around January 6, and other alleged cases and crimes. Running has helped him pay the legal bills to defend it all. Winning, he thinks, gets him immunity and the pardon power. He doesn’t even hide lately that that’s what he craves. And now an entire party is all-in on that cause, including potential vice presidential choices, making clear they would have done the opposite of Mike Pence on January 6.
The most consistent data point has been the overperformance of Democrats since the middle of 2022, largely due to a more energized turnout and the far-right careening into extremism. From Kansas in August ’22 (the special election over abortion access), to November 2022 (not just federal races, but Democrats flipping several statehouses and election deniers losing Secretary of State and Governor races in numerous states), to the big victories in Ohio in August and November 2023, to the Virginia Statehouse in 2023, Democrats have built up a winning streak all across the country, and at multiple levels. Heck, even Moms of Liberty candidates losing 70% of their races in 2023 was a part of this trend. Remember, these are the years where Democrats are supposed to be losing—because they are in the White House. Those statehouse slips defied a half-century of precedent. These aren’t just polls; they are actual outcomes. And the consistency of these results tells us something is happening beneath the surface that is largely being lost as we ogle a faux-GOP primary and polls that are all over the map.
I don’t think anyone knows what will happen. This is indeed an unprecedented time—a battle royale for democracy at all levels. No one who cares about democracy should take it—or anything—for granted. They should count on Trump and anti-democracy forces in states to have studied where they fell short in 2020 and 2022, learning from it, and yes, doing anything to win beyond even what they’ve done before.
But they should also take note of the winning streak I described above. It is real, and it defies history. And it’s a result of tireless work by grassroots activists and candidates at all levels, and a realization by a broad swath of voters that the current far right is too extreme for America and their community. Similar, tireless work and effective messaging will be needed to protect democracy in 2024.
Mark Jacob, former Chicago Tribune metro editor and current author of the Stop the Presses newsletter at stopthepresses.news.
Most people who will vote in November are not paying that much attention to politics right now. It’s time for people who care – and who know that the risk of us losing democracy are real – to get active, support candidates, get on volunteer lists, and hone their arguments for when they will matter most this fall.
I’d advise everyone to protect their mental health by ignoring the polls. I think it’s going to be a close election, probably closer than in 2020. My best guess now is that Trump will go down again, but there’s no cause for overconfidence.
We should be worried about what will happen and if this could be a repeat of 2016 — and we should use that worry as motivation.
Hundreds of things that could affect the presidential race will happen before Election Day. There’s no predicting those. The overriding message that Americans of good will need to keep focusing on is that one candidate believes in democratic principles and the other one threatens to tear down our system to feed his cult of personality. Our children’s and grandchildren’s lives will be greatly affected by the actions we take this year.
Rick Wilson is a co-founder of The Lincoln Project, a former leading Republican strategist, and author of two books, “Everything Trump Touches Dies” and “Running Against the Devil: A Plot to Save America from Trump – and Democrats from Themselves”.
I’d rather be in President Biden’s position than Trump’s. President Biden is climbing in the polls, the economy is doing well, Biden has passed some of the most consequential legislation in history, and Trump is – of course – facing prison over 91 criminal counts. Democrats need to celebrate the successes of Biden’s term and stop the bed-wetting.
This will be a long election simply because we know who the candidates are in February. Trump’s congressional cult members are going to screw with the budget process and the border in order to help Trump’s chances.
We have months and months of attacks and recriminations to come from a desperate Trump and his MAGA hordes who know the only way they can win is to make this election about something – anything – other than Biden’s success as president. Democrats need to buckle up and stay engaged and not get frustrated. President Biden will win this election if everyone comes out to vote and gets their friends and family to do the same.
The economic indicators show the excellent job President Biden has done to turn the nation around after Trump absolutely destroyed the economy with his mishandling of COVID. We consistently see solid job numbers month over month, oil production is at the highest it’s ever been by any nation in history, and manufacturing is opening up across the country due to the CHIPS Act. These are the numbers that matter to voters when it comes time to vote.
Trump’s trials are all signal – from now through the election they will remain a constant reminder of his culpability in the January 6 attack on the Capitol.
The age issue is nothing but noise by prognosticators who are trying to obtain cable news contracts. The reality is that Trump is showing signs of impairment with his erratic behavior and inability to remember details. The ultimate decision point is how they each handled the job. Every single indicator shows that President Biden has been one of the most successful presidents in history.
Let’s make no mistake, this will be a close election and will come down to several key swing states. But again, I’d rather be Biden than Trump. The economy is going in the right direction and people are starting to be appropriately terrified of what a second Trump term could look like. No matter the outcome, Trump is an unpopular figure who will not win the majority of the vote nationwide.
It’s up to Biden and the Democrats to show the distinction between the two: Another Biden term that continues building on its economic and foreign success, or a rage-filled Trump administration that will rip away individual rights, punish people who disagree and empower our enemies by wrecking America’s standing in the world.
Credit…Patrick T. Fallon/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
It is unclear whether Donald Trump has forgotten the precise nature of NATO or whether he ever fully grasped it in the first place.
What is clear, however, is that Trump — who ostensibly spent four years as president of the United States — has little clue about what NATO is or what NATO does. And when he spoke on the subject at a rally in South Carolina over the weekend, what he said was less a cogent discussion of foreign policy than it was gibberish — the kind of outrageous nonsense that flows without interruption from an empty and unreflective mind.
“One of the presidents of a big country stood up and said, ‘Well, sir, if we don’t pay, and we’re attacked by Russia, will you protect us?’” Trump said, recalling an implausible conversation with an unnamed, presumably European head of state. “‘You didn’t pay? You’re delinquent?’” Trump recounted responding. “‘No, I would not protect you. In fact, I would encourage them to do whatever the hell they want. You gotta pay. You gotta pay your bills.’”
The former president’s message was clear: If NATO members do not pay up, then he will leave them to the mercy of a continental aggressor who has already plunged one European country into death, destruction and devastation.
Except NATO isn’t a mafia protection racket. NATO, in case anyone needs to be reminded, is a mutual defense organization, formed by treaty in 1949 as tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union hardened into conflict. “The parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all,” states Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty.
According to the terms of an agreement reached last year, member states will work to spend at least 2 percent of national G.D.P. on military investment.
But let’s set this bit of fact-checking aside for a moment and look at the big picture.
It is not just that Trump is ignorant on this and other vital questions; it is that he is incoherent.
Consider his remarks at a recent gathering of the National Rifle Association in Harrisburg, Pa. “We have to win in November, or we’re not going to have Pennsylvania. They’ll change the name. They’re going to change the name of Pennsylvania,” Trump said.
Who, exactly, is going to change the name of Pennsylvania? And to what? I don’t know. I doubt Trump does either.
Or consider the time, last November, when Trump confused China and North Korea, telling an audience of supporters in Florida that “Kim Jong Un leads 1.4 billion people, and there is no doubt about who the boss is. And they want me to say he’s not an intelligent man.”
There was also the time that Trump mistook Nikki Haley, his former ambassador to the United Nations, for Nancy Pelosi, the former speaker of the House.
“Nikki Haley, you know they, do you know they destroyed all of the information, all of the evidence, everything, deleted and destroyed all of it. All of it, because of lots of things like Nikki Haley is in charge of security. We offered her 10,000 people, soldiers, National Guard, whatever they want. They turned it down. They don’t want to talk about that. These are very dishonest people,” Trump said, repeating his false claim that Pelosi was responsible for the failure of Capitol security on Jan. 6.
If you would like, you can also try to make sense of the former president’s recent attempt to describe a missile defense system:
“I will build an Iron Dome over our country, a state-of-the-art missile defense shield made in the U.S.A.,” Trump said, before taking an unusual detour. “These are not muscle guys here, they’re muscle guys up here, right,” he continued, gesturing to his arms and his head to emphasize, I guess, that the people responsible for building such systems are capable and intelligent.
“And they calmly walk to us, and ding, ding, ding, ding, ding, ding. They’ve only got 17 seconds to figure this whole thing out. Boom. OK. Missile launch. Whoosh. Boom,” he added.
I assume Trump is describing the pressure of actually manning a missile defense system. Even so, one would think that a former president — currently vying to be the next president — would at least try to be a little more articulate.
But this gets to one of the oddest things about this election cycle so far. There is no shortage of coverage of President Biden’s age, even if there’s no evidence that his age has been an obstacle to his ability to perform his duties. Indeed, it is plainly true that Biden has been an unusually successful president in areas, like legislative negotiations, that require skill and mental acuity.
Coverage of Biden’s age, in other words, has more to do with the vibes of an “elderly” president — he isn’t as outwardly vigorous and robust as we would like — than it does with any particular issue with his performance.
In contrast to the obsessive coverage of Biden’s age, there is comparatively little coverage of Trump’s obvious deficiencies in that department. If we are going to use public comments as the measure of mental fitness, then the former president is clearly at a disadvantage.
Unfortunately for Biden, Trump benefits from something akin to the soft bigotry of low expectations. Because no one expected Trump, in the 2016 election, to speak and behave like a normal candidate, he was held to a lower effective standard than his rivals in both parties. Because no one expected him, during his presidency, to be orderly and responsible, his endless scandals were framed as business as usual. And because no one now expects him to be a responsible political figure with a coherent vision for the country, it’s as if no one blinks an eye when he rants and raves on the campaign trail.
It’s not that there aren’t legitimate reasons to be concerned about Biden’s age. He is already the oldest person to serve in the Oval Office. The issue here is one of proportion and consequence. Biden may be unable to do the job at some point in the future; Trump, it seems to me, already is.
One of those is a lot more concerning than the other.
Jamelle Bouie became a New York Times Opinion columnist in 2019. Before that he was the chief political correspondent for Slate magazine. He is based in Charlottesville, Va., and Washington.
Russian landing ship Tsezar Kunikov hit in Black Sea, it has sunk – intelligence sources, photo, video
Ukrainska Pravda – February 14, 2024
Landing ship Tsezar Kunikov. Photo: website of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet
Drones of Defence Intelligence of Ukraine (DIU) have struck the Russian landing ship Tsezar Kunikov in the Black Sea on the morning of 14 February.
Source: Ukrainska Pravda sources in DIU
For reference: According to the Russian Black Sea Fleet’s website, the Tsezar Kunikov is a Project 775 large landing ship. The vessel is 112.5 metres long, 15 metres wide and has a draft of 3.7 metres. The warship has the following weapons: 2×2 57-mm AK-725 artillery pieces, 4×8 launchers of man-portable air defence systems, and 2×30 122-mm A-215 Grad-M multiple rocket launchers.
There are 87 crew members.
The ship can reportedly be used to set up minefields. The landing ship can be used with various loading options: 150 troops and 10 T-55 tanks with a crew of 40; 12 PT-76 amphibious swimming tanks with a crew of 36; a unit consisting of 3 T-55 tanks with a crew of 12, 3 120-mm mortars, 3 2G 27 combat vehicles, 4 ZIL-130 vehicles, 4 GAZ-66 vehicles and one GAZ-69 off-road vehicle.
The landing party consists of 147 troops. The ship is capable of carrying 650 tonnes of cargo over a distance of 4,700 miles.
According to Wikipedia, Tsezar Lvovich Kunikov, a Soviet officer and commander of a landing unit, after whom the warship in question was named, died on 14 February 1943 and was buried in Gelendzhik, where Russian President Vladimir Putin has a bunker.
Earlier, the Russian Ministry of Defence claimed that its air defence forces had supposedly shot down six drones in the Black Sea on the night of 13-14 February.
At the same time, Telegram channels reported that something was burning in the sea near Alupka-Katsiveli. Two Mi-8 helicopters were also reportedly circling low over the water in the area.
The Krymsky Veter (Crimean Wind) Telegram channel reported that drones had supposedly struck a landing ship.
Later, a Ka-27 search and rescue helicopter was also spotted in the area of the settlement of Foros (Russian-occupied Crimea).
Senate passes $95.3 billion aid package for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan after rare all-night session
Mary Clare Jalonick and Stephen Groves, AP – February 13, 2024
WASHINGTON (AP) — The Senate early Tuesday passed a $95.3 billion aid package for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, pushing ahead after months of difficult negotiations and amid growing political divisions in the Republican Party over the role of the United States abroad.
The vote came after a small group of Republicans opposed to the $60 billion for Ukraine held the Senate floor through the night, using the final hours of debate to argue that the U.S. should focus on its own problems before sending more money overseas. But more than a dozen Republicans voted with almost all Democrats to pass the package 70-29, with supporters arguing that abandoning Ukraine could embolden Russian President Vladimir Putin and threaten national security across the globe.
“It’s been years, perhaps decades, since the Senate has passed a bill that so greatly impacts not just our national security, not just the security of our allies, but also the security of western democracy,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, who worked closely with Republican Leader Mitch McConnell on the legislation.
The bill’s passage through the Senate was a welcome sign for Ukraine amid critical shortages on the battlefield. The final vote gained 22 Republicans supporting its passage, while two Democrats, Sens. Jeff Merkley of Oregon and Peter Welch of Vermont, as well as Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent, voted against it. Progressive lawmakers have objected to sending offensive weaponry to Israel.
Yet the package faces a deeply uncertain future in the House, where hardline Republicans aligned with former President Donald Trump — the front-runner for the GOP presidential nomination, and a critic of support for Ukraine — oppose the legislation.
Speaker Mike Johnson cast new doubt on the package in a statement Monday evening, making clear that it could be weeks or months before Congress sends the legislation to President Joe Biden’s desk — if at all.
Still, the vote was a win for both Senate leaders. Schumer noted the strong bipartisan support and projected that if the House speaker brings it forward it would have the same strong support in that chamber. McConnell has made Ukraine his top priority in recent months, and was resolute in the face of considerable pushback from his own GOP conference.
Speaking directly to his detractors in a floor speech on Sunday, McConnell said that “the eyes of the world” were on the U.S. Senate.
“Will we give those who wish us harm more reason to question our resolve, or will we recommit to exercising American strength?” McConnell asked.
Dollars provided by the legislation would purchase U.S.-made defense equipment, including munitions and air defense systems that authorities say are desperately needed as Russia batters the country. It also includes $8 billion for the government in Kyiv and other assistance.
In addition, the legislation would provide $14 billion for Israel’s war with Hamas, $8 billion for Taiwan and partners in the Indo-Pacific to counter China, and $9.2 billion in humanitarian assistance for Gaza.
The bill’s passage followed almost five months of torturous negotiations over an expansive bill that would have paired the foreign aid with an overhaul of border and asylum policies. Republicans demanded the trade-off, saying the surge of migration into the United States had to be addressed alongside the security of allies.
But a bipartisan deal on border security struck by Republican Sen. James Lankford fell apart just days after its unveiling, a head-spinning development that left negotiators deeply frustrated. Republicans declared the bill insufficient and blocked it on the Senate floor.
After the border bill collapsed, the two leaders abandoned the border provisions and pushed forward with passing the foreign aid package alone — as Democrats had originally intended.
While the slimmed-down foreign aid bill eventually won enough Republican support to pass, several GOP senators who had previously expressed support for Ukraine voted against it. The episode further exposed divisions in the party, made more public as Trump dug in and a handful of lawmakers openly called for McConnell to step down.
Sen. J.D. Vance, an Ohio Republican, argued that the U.S. should step back from the conflict and help broker an end to it with Russia’s Putin. He questioned the wisdom of continuing to fuel Ukraine’s defense when Putin appears committed to fighting for years.
“I think it deals with the reality that we’re living in, which is they’re a more powerful country, and it’s their region of the world,” he said.
Vance, along with Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul and other opponents, spent several hours on the floor railing against the aid and complaining about Senate process. They dug in their heels to delay a final vote, speaking on the floor until daybreak.
Supporters of the aid pushed back, warning that bowing to Russia would be a historic mistake with devastating consequences. In an unusually raw back-and-forth, GOP senators who support the aid challenged some of the opponents directly on the floor.
North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis angrily rebutted some of their arguments, noting that the money would only help Ukraine for less than a year and that much of it would go to replenishing U.S. military stocks.
“Why am I so focused on this vote?” Tillis said. “Because I don’t want to be on the pages of history that we will regret if we walk away. You will see the alliance that is supporting Ukraine crumble. You will ultimately see China become emboldened. And I am not going to be on that page of history.”
Sen. Jerry Moran, R-Kan., became emotional as he talked about the drudgery of the Senate and spending time away from his family to get little done. “But every so often there are issues that come before us that seem to be the ones that explain why we are here,” he said, his voice cracking.
Moran conceded that the cost of the package was heavy for him, but pointed out that if Putin were to attack a NATO member in Europe, the U.S. would be bound by treaty to become directly involved in the conflict — a commitment that Trump has called into question as he seeks another term in the White House.
At a rally Saturday, Trump said that he had once told a NATO ally he would encourage Russia “to do whatever the hell they want” to members that are “delinquent” in their financial and military commitments to the alliance. The former president has led his party away from the foreign policy doctrines of aggressive American involvement overseas and toward an “America First” isolationism.
Evoking the slogan, Moran said, “I believe in America first, but unfortunately America first means we have to engage in the world.”
While the vast majority of House Republicans have opposed the aid and are unlikely to cross Trump, a handful of GOP lawmakers have signaled they will push to get it passed.
House Intelligence Committee Chairman Mike Turner, R-Ohio, traveled to Ukraine last week with a bipartisan delegation and met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Turner posted on X, formerly Twitter, after the trip that “I reiterated America’s commitment to support Ukraine in its fight against Russia.”
But Speaker Johnson is in a tough position. A majority of his conference opposes the aid, and he is trying to lead the narrowest of majorities and avoid the fate of his predecessor, former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, who was ousted in October.
Johnson, R-La., said in a statement Monday that because the foreign aid package lacks border security provisions, it is “silent on the most pressing issue facing our country.” It was the latest — and potentially most consequential — sign of opposition to the Ukraine aid from House GOP leadership, who had rejected the bipartisan border plan as a “non-starter,” contributing to its rapid demise.
“Now, in the absence of having received any single border policy change from the Senate, the House will have to continue to work its own will on these important matters,” Johnson said. “America deserves better than the Senate’s status quo.”
Rep. Abigail Spanberger, a Virginia Democrat, traveled to Kyiv last week with Turner and other House members. She said the trip underscored to her how Ukraine is still in a fight for its very existence.
As the group traveled through Kyiv in armored vehicles, she said, they witnessed signs of an active war, from sandbagged shelters to burned-out cars and memorials to those killed. During the meeting with Zelenskyy, she said the U.S. lawmakers tried to offer assurances that the American people still stand with his country.
“He was clear that our continued support is critical to their ability to win the war,” Spanberger said. “It’s critical to their own freedom. And importantly, it’s critical to U.S. national security interests.”
Utah senators split on passed $95 billion defense spending bill
Derick Fox – February 13, 2024
SALT LAKE CITY (ABC4) — Early Tuesday morning, the U.S. Senate voted to pass a $95 billion emergency defense spending bill, which has left Utah’s senate delegation split.
Lee, alongside Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), led the opposition to the bill, saying he had done everything he possibly could do to stop it.
“This didn’t have to happen. It is unfortunate we had Senate Republicans turn on the commitment they made to each other and to their voters and to our Republican colleagues down the hall,” said Lee.
During his speech on the Senate floor, Lee said the bill in its current form only serves to empower drug cartels and dissolve the U.S. southern border – a point of contention between the Biden Administration and GOP officials across the country. Lee said the bill, instead, spends an “insane amount” of money on foreign countries without properly addressing the U.S. southern border.
Romney, however, countered by warning of the “dire consequences” that would come by not continuing support for Ukraine. He claimed that by not helping Ukraine defend itself, the door would open for Russian President Vladimir Putin to invade NATO and allow China to spread fear to Taiwan that the U.S. will not help its allies.
He further said America would “cease to be the arsenal of democracy” and a global leader.
“What sending weapons to Ukraine does do is help discourage further Russian and Chinese invasions which could draw us in, it helps preserve NATO, it allows America to remain the leader of the free world, and it shows that we honor our word to our friends and allies,” said Romney.
Romney further criticized some of his Republican colleagues by saying if their position is cheered by Russian President Vladimir Putin, it is “time to reconsider your position.”
Twenty-one Republican senators joined Romney in voting to pass the bill while two Democrats voted against it, citing deep concerns for supporting Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s military campaign in Gaza, per The Hill. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) also voted no for the same reason.
Sen. Mitt Romney issues dire warnings if the U.S. doesn’t continue to help Ukraine
Suzanne Bates – February 12, 2024
Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, arrives as the Senate prepares a procedural vote on an emergency spending package that would provide military aid to Ukraine and Israel, replenish U.S. weapons systems and provide food, water and other humanitarian aid to civilians in Gaza, at the Capitol in Washington, Sunday, Feb. 11, 2024. | J. Scott Applewhite, Associated Press
Utah Sen. Mitt Romney took to the Senate floor Monday night and urged his colleagues to continue to support Ukraine in its war against Russia, saying that if they don’t the United States “will cease to be the leader of the free world.”
During his remarks, which lasted only five minutes, Romney issued several dire warnings over what he believes would be the consequences of lawmakers deciding not to send additional funds to Ukraine.
“If we fail to help Ukraine, America will cease to be the arsenal of democracy. It will cease to be the leader of the free world,” he said.
The Senate is debating a $95.3 billion foreign aid package that includes roughly $60 billion for Ukraine, $14.1 billion for Israel, and $9.5 billion in humanitarian assistance.
During his remarks, Romney said the vote to “provide military weapons for Ukraine is the most important vote we will ever take as United States senators.”
“We are not being asked to send American troops into war,” he continued, “only to help the Ukrainians defend themselves.”
Romney said he believes if the U.S. does not send aid to Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin will “invade a NATO nation.” He said it would also signal to China the U.S. will not live up to its promises to help Taiwan, and that it would lead to the disintegration of NATO.
“If we fail to help Ukraine, we will be known not as our fathers and mothers were — the greatest generation — but as the worst generation,” he said.
Romney challenged each of the reasons other lawmakers have cited for why the U.S. should not support Ukraine, including concerns over high deficits and depleting America’s military arsenal.
“I know that the shock jocks and online instigators have effectively riled up many in the far reaches of my party. But if your position is being cheered by Vladimir Putin, it’s time to reconsider your position,” he said.
The Senate voted 66-33 Monday night to advance the bill toward a final vote.
Meanwhile, several Republican senators, including Utah Se. Mike Lee, have rejected sending additional funds to Ukraine and have also said Congress should focus on securing America’s border.
An earlier foreign aid bill that included funds for border security failed to achieve enough Republican support to pass the Senate over complaints the bill would not actually shore up the border.
House Speaker Mike Johnson released a statement Monday night casting doubt the House would vote on the foreign aid package, saying that “any so-called national security supplemental legislation must recognize that national security begins at our own border.”
Russia’s economic decline is in only in the early stages, and the country is masking significant ‘degradation,’ think tank says
JenniferSor – February 13, 2024
Russia’s economic decline is still in the early stages, according to a London-based think tank.
Talk of Russia’s resilience ignores deep-seated issues in Moscow’s finances.
The nation is losing a huge amount of human capital as war in Ukraine drags on.
Russia’s economy has significantly more degradation ahead of it, according to the Official Monetary and Financial Institutions Forum.
The London-based think tank pointed to comments from some economists, who say Russia’s finances are holding up amid its grinding war in Ukraine and sanctions from Western countries. Economists and experts note that Russia has proved to be seemingly resilient so far, with the International Monetary Fund recently raising its growth target for the nation to 2.6% from 1.1 this year.
But talk of Russia’s economic resilience is misguided, and there are deep-rooted issues that will continue to plague its economy, the think tank said.
“Russia is masking a process of significant economic degradation that will continue well into the future and further marginalise its global footprint,” Mark Sobel, the US Chair of the OMFIF said in a note on Monday.
Russia’s robust military spending has been a key factor in propping up its economic growth so far. But a deeper look into the Kremlin’s finances shows a far bleaker picture: Russia’s global share of world purchasing power has fallen to under 2%, down from around 4% before the 2008 financial crisis, Sobel said.
Meanwhile, there’s evidence that Russia’s energy revenues – a key source of income – are plummeting. Urals crude, Russia’s flagship oil product, is now trading at a significant discount to the global benchmark. Russian oil traded around $68 a barrel on Tuesday, while Brent traded around $83 a barrel, according to data from Oilprice.com.
Countries also appear less willing to buy Russian crude since the West has resolved to enforce its trade restrictions on Russia. Over half of sanctioned Russian oil tankers are now idling at sea, Bloomberg reported this week.
That’s complicated by a swarm of other problems Russia’s economy is facing, such as roaring inflation, a weak ruble, and a record shortage of workers, which economists have warned will hinder future growth and productivity.
The country, for instance, is losing a huge amount of human capital as casualties mount on the battlefield, while younger educated Russians have fled the country, Sobel said.
“Inflation is elevated and the central bank is maintaining high interest rates in light of the outlook for prices. That will erode real incomes and crimp investment,” he added.
Over 1,000 companies have publicly said they’re withdrawing or scaling back operations in Russia, according to a list compiled by the Yale School of Management. Companies that have exited Moscow are unlikely to return anytime soon, Sobel added.
“A cursory examination of current Russian data — such as growth and inflation – might suggest the economy is ‘resilient’ in the face of the costs of Russia continuing its ruthless invasion. That view may contain elements of validity in the short term. But even that overlooks weaknesses and realities,” Sobel warned. “Significantly greater isolation and economic degradation is baked into the cake for the Russian economy and people.”
But people in Russia already appear to be feeling the pain of Moscow’s ailing finances. Heating systems are now breaking down in parts of Russia, partly due to Moscow’s immense military budget that’s been unable to update Soviet-era infrastructure. Russian inflation grew 7.2% year-per-year in January, well above the nation’s 4% inflation target.
