Gordon Sondland’s Impeachment Testimony for the Ages

The New Yorker

Gordon Sondland’s Impeachment Testimony for the Ages

The case for Trump’s impeachment is strengthening, but the political equation in Washington remains at a stalemate.

By Steve Coll          November 24, 2019

 

On July 29, 1986, at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, Vice-President George H. W. Bush met with Amiram Nir, a counterterrorism adviser to the Israeli government. Nir briefed Bush in detail about the latest doings in a shadow foreign-policy scheme authorized by President Ronald Reagan. With Israel’s help, the United States had secretly sent arms to Iran, in the expectation that American hostages held by Iranian proxies in Lebanon would be released. Reagan had pledged never to negotiate with terrorists, yet Bush had endorsed the operation and, according to a retired Air Force general who was involved in it, was “very attentive, very interested” in Nir’s update. That November, news broke about what became known as the Iran-Contra scandal, which eventually led to the indictments of fourteen Administration officials. Early on, Bush spoke about his role in a manner that was “at best misleading and at worst a lie,” in the judgment of Jon Meacham, his authorized biographer. Secretary of State George Shultz remarked privately that Bush was getting drawn into a “web of lies. Blows his integrity. He’s finished, then.”

In the unravelling of White House malfeasance, there comes a time when the bonds of omertà dissolve and the reckonings of high-level conspirators begin. In the case of Donald Trump’s attempt to bully Ukraine into investigating Democrats for his political gain, that juncture seemed to arrive last week, with the testimony of Gordon Sondland, Trump’s Ambassador to the European Union. Sondland had earlier given a closed-door deposition to the House Intelligence Committee, which is conducting the impeachment inquiry into Trump. Last week, in public, he set out to clarify the “bigger picture” on Ukraine. He explained, “We followed the President’s orders” while carrying out a wide-ranging effort to strong-arm Ukraine’s President, Volodymyr Zelensky, into aiding Trump’s reëlection. Was there a quid pro quo? “The answer is yes,” Sondland declared. His remarks were replete with such lines for the ages. One in particular seemed certain to jolt Vice-President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo: “Everyone was in the loop.”

Pence and Pompeo have sought to evade accountability in the Ukraine affair. Pompeo is reportedly considering a Senate run in Kansas next year; both men are seen as eventual contenders for a Republican Presidential nomination. Since September, as sundry rats on Trump’s foundering ship of state have scurried for dry ground, Pompeo and Pence have addressed the Ukraine matter tersely, protected in part by White House stonewalling of House subpoenas for documents and testimony. Sondland’s appearance has made their attempts at political finesse considerably more difficult.

Sondland is a Trump-lite figure who made a fortune in hotels and donated a million dollars to Trump’s inaugural committee before the President appointed him to the ambassadorship. In that role, he joined the Administration’s attempt, earlier this year, to persuade Zelensky to announce investigations into former Vice-President Joe Biden and his son, Hunter, and also into supposed coöperation between the Democrats and Ukraine during the 2016 campaign. Hunter Biden served on the board of Burisma, a Ukrainian gas company, when his father was Vice-President; both Bidens deny any wrongdoing. Fiona Hill, who, until earlier this year, served as the Trump Administration’s top N.S.C. expert on Russia, forcefully testified on Thursday that claims of Ukrainian electoral interference are a “fictional narrative.”

To undermine the Democrats, Trump asked Sondland to work with his personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, and Sondland duly attended meetings with Zelensky, while coördinating with the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv and the White House. Throughout, his boss at the State Department, Pompeo, “knew what we were doing and why,” Sonderland testified. It was already clear that, as the campaign to pressure Ukraine intensified, Pompeo had failed to stand by the U.S. Ambassador there, Marie Yovanovitch, whom Trump fired in May. (Pompeo has said that she was not fired for “a nefarious purpose.”) Sondland provided new evidence—excerpts from four e-mails that he wrote to Pompeo and others between July and September—which showed that he kept Pompeo updated on the back-channel operation. Beginning in July, the Administration withheld hundreds of millions of dollars in congressionally approved military aid to Ukraine. Several diplomats and N.S.C. officials have testified in the inquiry that the suspension was designed to coerce Zelensky; Sondland’s e-mail excerpts suggest that Pompeo may have been briefed on this part of the pressure campaign. (A State Department spokesperson said that it was “flat-out false” to suggest that Sondland had told Pompeo that Trump had linked the aid to investigations.)

Sondland also testified about Pence’s role—in particular, about a meeting that he and Pence had with Zelensky on September 1st, in Warsaw. At the time, Pence told reporters that the aid was being held up because of “great concerns” that he and Trump had about “issues of corruption,” but he offered no specifics. Pence had denied publicly that the delay had anything to do with Trump’s reëlection bid. Sondland’s testimony undercuts that assertion; he recalled that he “mentioned” to Pence in Warsaw that he “had concerns that the delay in aid had become tied to the issue of investigations” into Trump’s domestic opponents. Pence’s chief of staff has denied that this conversation took place.

Pence and Pompeo are hardly alone in having forged Faustian bargains with Donald Trump, or in having gambled that they will somehow survive his heedlessness and serial disloyalty. Clever and ambitious politicians do occasionally outlast complicity in Presidential scandals. In late 1986, George Shultz warned George H. W. Bush to stop misleading the public about Iran-Contra before he destroyed his chance to succeed Reagan as President. Bush bristled, but took the advice and lay low; he won the White House in 1988. These are darker times. The Republican Party, because of its capitulation to Trump, is headed for a moral and political accounting. The President’s racketeering scheme in Ukraine is likely to inflict lasting damage on the reputations of all those at high levels of his Administration who have participated or stood by mutely.

Witness by witness, the case for Trump’s impeachment is strengthening. Yet the political equation in Washington remains at a stalemate. If the Democratic-controlled House does impeach the President, the Republican-controlled Senate still looks set to acquit him. The Ukraine dossier—and all that it continues to reveal about Trump’s indifference to the Constitution—seems headed for the voters. A year from now, we’ll know their verdict. ♦

Trump wants impeachment witnesses fired despite top aides’ warning

Gail Mollett to Rachel Maddow Fan
CNN: Trump wants impeachment witnesses fired despite top aides’ warning
CNN: Trump wants impeachment witnesses fired despite top aides’ warning

November 23, 2019

Unfortunately in this trump criminal administration, they believe they can. As trump showed time and again, he couldn’t care less about destroying careers of dedicated government workers.To him, they’re just collateral damage to his nonsensical egocentric whims. He detests ethical governance and ethical employees. He thinks they’re losers for honoring their oaths to the constitution and the American people. But they will be his downfall. John Hanno

Imagine working for the government after this nonsense.

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trump throws the rest under the bus!

Clay Jones
YouTube

Everyone deserves a light snack before being thrown under the bus. Watch me draw it. #ImpeachmentHearings #ImpeachTrump

A White House Now ‘Cannibalizing Itself’

The New York Times

A White House Now ‘Cannibalizing Itself’

Peter Baker         November 20, 2019
Kurt Volker, a former special envoy to Ukraine, adjusts his microphone as he and Timothy Morrison, the former head of Europe and Russia at the National Security Council, right, testify at an impeachment inquiry hearing in Washington on Tuesday, Nov. 19, 2019. (Anna Moneymaker/The New York Times)

 

WASHINGTON — As Lt. Col. Alexander S. Vindman sat in a stately chamber testifying Tuesday, the White House posted on its official Twitter account a message denouncing his judgment. His fellow witness, Jennifer Williams, had barely left the room when the White House issued a statement challenging her credibility.

In President Donald Trump’s Washington, where attacks on his enemies real or perceived have become so routine that they now often pass unnoticed, that might not seem all that remarkable — but for the fact that Vindman and Williams both still work for the very same White House that was publicly assailing them.

With the president’s allies joining in, the two aides found themselves condemned as nobodies, as plotting bureaucrats, as traitors within and, in Vindman’s case, as an immigrant with dual loyalties. Even for a president who rarely spares the rhetorical howitzer, that represents a new level of bombardment.

Trump has publicly disparaged Cabinet secretaries, former aides and career officials working elsewhere in the government, but now he is taking aim at people still working for him inside the White House complex by name.

“This White House appears to be cannibalizing itself,” said William C. Inboden, a former national security aide to President George W. Bush. “While many previous White House staffs have feuded with each other and leaked against each other, this is the first time in history I am aware of a White House openly attacking its own staff — especially for merely upholding their constitutional duties.”

In part, that reflects the challenge for a president facing an impeachment inquiry in which every witness called so far either currently or previously worked in the government over which he presides. To defend against potential charges of high crimes and misdemeanors, Trump evidently feels he must undercut the believability of the witnesses testifying about his pressure campaign on Ukraine for help against his domestic rivals.

It also reflects the president’s long-standing distrust of the career professionals who populate his White House, just as they have every other. While such officials characterize their work as nonpartisan in service of presidents of either party, Trump has felt burned since the early days of his administration when internal documents were leaked, including transcripts of two of his phone calls with foreign leaders.

“Nothing is the same anymore,” said Ari Fleischer, a White House press secretary for Bush. “Clearly, when the staff leaks presidential phone calls with foreign leaders the first week of the president’s job, the staff is not what the staff used to be. It taints everyone, even good and loyal staffers.”

All three witnesses who testified publicly last week still work for the State Department, and Trump directly denigrated one of them, Marie L. Yovanovitch, who was recalled as ambassador to Ukraine. But Vindman, the top Ukraine policy official on the National Security Council staff, and Williams, a national security aide to Vice President Mike Pence, were the first to appear before the House Intelligence Committee while still working in the White House.

Even before raising his hand to take the oath Tuesday, Vindman had come under particularly sharp fire. Trump’s allies on Fox News and elsewhere have questioned his patriotism by noting that he was born in Ukraine, a critique the naturalized citizen rebutted by showing up Tuesday in his Army dress uniform with Combat Infantry Badge and a Purple Heart from his service in Iraq.

Vindman opened his testimony by deploring smears on government officials who have been subpoenaed to testify in the inquiry. “The vile character attacks on these distinguished and honorable public servants is reprehensible,” he said.

Amid the threats, the Army has been assessing potential security threats to Vindman and his brother Yevgeny, who also works at the National Security Council. There have also been discussions about moving the Vindmans and their families onto a military base for their protection, according to a person with knowledge of the discussions.

The committee’s Republican counsel Tuesday questioned Vindman about an offer from Ukraine’s new government to become defense minister, a proposal he said he dismissed out of hand and reported to his superiors and counterintelligence officials. Fox News quickly picked up on the issue, sending out a news alert moments later: “Vindman says Ukrainian official offered him the job of Ukrainian defense minister.”

Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, grilled Vindman about comments by two former bosses at the National Security Council, Tim Morrison and Fiona Hill, raising questions about his judgment.

Vindman replied by pulling out a copy of a performance evaluation that Hill wrote in July and read it aloud. “Alex is a top 1% military officer and the best Army officer I have worked with in my 15 years of government service,” Vindman read.

The White House nonetheless posted a Twitter message: “Tim Morrison, Alexander Vindman’s former boss, testified in his deposition that he had concerns about Vindman’s judgment.”

Speaking with reporters, Trump seemed to scorn Vindman for appearing in uniform. “I never saw the man,” the president said. “I understand now he wears his uniform when goes in. No, I don’t know Vindman at all.”

Democratic lawmakers responded angrily to attacks on Vindman. Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney, D-N.Y., accused Republicans of trying to “air out some allegations with no basis and proof, but they just want to get them out there and hope maybe some of those strands of spaghetti I guess will stick on the wall if they keep throwing them.”

As for Williams, the president tweeted about her over the weekend. “Tell Jennifer Williams, whoever that is, to read BOTH transcripts of the presidential calls, & see the just released statement from Ukraine,” he wrote, misspelling “statement.” “Then she should meet with the other Never Trumpers, who I don’t know & mostly never even heard of, & work out a better presidential attack!”

Williams, a career official who got her start under Bush and called former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice “a personal hero of mine,” denied that she was a “Never Trumper.” So did Vindman. “I’d call myself never partisan,” he said.

Asked her reaction to the president’s tweet, Williams said: “It certainly surprised me. I was not expecting to be called out by name.”

But she would be again before the day was out. Pence’s two most senior aides pushed back against her after she testified that she considered Trump’s July 25 telephone call with Ukraine’s president “unusual” because of the president’s request that the Kyiv government investigate former Vice President Joe Biden and other Democrats.

“I heard nothing wrong or improper on the call,” retired Lt. Gen. Keith Kellogg, the vice president’s national security adviser, said in a written statement released after her testimony. “I had and have no concerns. Ms. Williams was also on the call, and as she testified, she never reported any personal or professional concerns to me, her direct supervisor, regarding the call.”

“In fact,” he added, “she never reported any personal or professional concerns to any other member of the vice president’s staff, including our chief of staff and the vice president.”

Marc Short, the vice president’s chief of staff, went on Fox News to make the same point. “She said she found the call unusual yet she never raised any concerns with her supervisor General Kellogg, she never raised any concerns with the chief of staff, she never raised any concerns with the vice president,” he said.

He added: “We have impeachment in pursuit of a crime.”

Neither Williams nor Vindman weighed in on whether Trump should be impeached. As career officials, they generally stuck to factual accounts of their experiences and gave dispassionate though at times pointed assessments of what they saw while clearly trying to avoid being drawn into the larger political debate about what Congress should do about the situation.

But they presumably will have to return to work at some point, back to the same White House complex where they have served knowing that the president they serve blames them for his political troubles.

Charles A. Kupchan, who was President Barack Obama’s Europe adviser, said it should come as no surprise that Vindman and Williams would be targeted from within. “It is quite unusual for a White House to eat its young,” he said. “But Trump is a president who seems unable to tolerate dissent.”

Andrew Weiss, who was President Bill Clinton’s Russia adviser, said the attacks on Vindman “must be incredibly demoralizing for career people” still at the National Security Council. “During my time at the NSC, there was a bright red line between national security and domestic politics,” he said. “Under Trump, that line has completely disappeared.”

Even some more supportive of Trump suggested Tuesday that he stop going after witnesses. “The president should just ignore this whole thing,” Brian Kilmeade, a host on “Fox and Friends,” one of Trump’s favorite shows, said before the day’s hearings got underway. “Don’t tweet during it. Don’t get outraged over it. It ticks you off.”

That was advice the president did not take.