Climate Change Is Pushing Wildfires to New Heights

Climate Change Is Pushing Wildfires to New Heights

The Conversation                          May 26, 2021
Kyle Grillot/Getty
Kyle Grillot/Getty

By Mojtaba Sadegh, John Abatzoglou, and Mohammad Reza Alizadeh

The western U.S. appears headed for another dangerous fire season, and a new study shows that even high mountain areas once considered too wet to burn are at increasing risk as the climate warms.

Nearly two-thirds of the U.S. West is in severe to exceptional drought right now, including large parts of the Rocky Mountains, Cascades and Sierra Nevada. The situation is so severe that the Colorado River basin is on the verge of its first official water shortage declaration, and forecasts suggest another hot, dry summer is on the way.

Warm and dry conditions like these are a recipe for wildfire disaster.

In a new study published May 24, 2021, in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, our team of fire and climate scientists and engineers found that forest fires are now reaching higher, normally wetter elevations. And they are burning there at rates unprecedented in recent fire history.

While some people focus on historical fire suppression and other forest management practices as reasons for the West’s worsening fire problem, these high-elevation forests have had little human intervention. The results provide a clear indication that climate change is enabling these normally wet forests to burn.

As wildfires creep higher up mountains, another tenth of the West’s forest area is now at risk, according to our study. That creates new hazards for mountain communities, with impacts on downstream water supplies and the plants and wildlife that call these forests home.

In the new study, we analyzed records of all fires larger than 1,000 acres (405 hectares) in the mountainous regions of the contiguous western U.S. between 1984 and 2017.

The amount of land that burned increased across all elevations during that period, but the largest increase occurred above 8,200 feet (2,500 meters). To put that elevation into perspective, Denver—the mile-high city—sits at 5,280 feet, and Aspen, Colorado, is at 8,000 feet. These high-elevation areas are largely remote mountains and forests with some small communities and ski areas.

The area burning above 8,200 feet more than tripled in 2001-2017 compared with 1984-2000.

Forest fires advanced to higher elevations as the climate dried from 1984 to 2017. Every 200 meters equals 656 feet.

<div class="inline-image__caption"><p>Forest fires advanced to higher elevations as the climate dried from 1984 to 2017. Every 200 meters equals 656 feet.</p></div> <div class="inline-image__credit">Mojtaba Sadegh, CC BY-ND</div>Mojtaba Sadegh, CC BY-ND

Our results show that climate warming has diminished the high-elevation flammability barrier—the point where forests historically were too wet to burn regularly because the snow normally lingered well into summer and started falling again early in the fall. Fires advanced about 826 feet (252 meters) uphill in the western mountains over those three decades.

The Cameron Peak Fire in Colorado in 2020 was the state’s largest fire in its history, burning over 208,000 acres (84,200 hectares) and is a prime example of a high-elevation forest fire. The fire burned in forests extending to 12,000 feet (3,650 meters) and reached the upper tree line of the Rocky Mountains.

We found that rising temperatures in the past 34 years have helped to extend the fire territory in the West to an additional 31,470 square miles (81,500 square kilometers) of high-elevation forests. That means a staggering 11% of all western U.S. forests – an area similar in size to South Carolina – are susceptible to fire now that weren’t three decades ago.

In lower-elevation forests, several factors contribute to fire activity, including the presence of more people in wildland areas and a history of fire suppression.

In the early 1900s, Congress commissioned the U.S. Forest Service to manage forest fires, which resulted in a focus on suppressing fires—a policy that continued through the 1970s. This caused flammable underbrush that would normally be cleared out by occasional natural blazes to accumulate. The increase in biomass in many lower elevation forests across the West has been associated with increases in high-severity fires and megafires. At the same time, climate warming has dried out forests in the western U.S., making them more prone to large fires.

By focusing on high-elevation fires, in areas with little history of fire suppression, we can more clearly see the influence of climate change.

Most high-elevation forests haven’t been subjected to much fire suppression, logging or other human activities, and because trees at these high elevations are in wetter forests, they historically have long return intervals between fires, typically a century or more. Yet they experienced the highest rate of increase in fire activity in the past 34 years. We found that the increase is strongly correlated with the observed warming.

A Wildfire Destroyed His House. This Climate Denier Blames Environmentalists.

High-elevation fires have implications for natural and human systems.

High mountains are natural water towers that normally provide a sustained source of water to millions of people in dry summer months in the western U.S. The scars that wildfires leave behind—known as burn scars—affect how much snow can accumulate at high elevations. This can influence the timing, quality and quantity of water that reaches reservoirs and rivers downstream.

High-elevation fires also remove standing trees that act as anchor points that normally stabilize the snowpack, raising the risk of avalanches.

The loss of tree canopy also exposes mountain streams to the sun, increasing water temperatures in the cold headwater streams. Increasing stream temperatures can harm fish and the larger wildlife and predators that rely on them.

Climate change is increasing fire risk in many regions across the globe, and studies show that this trend will continue as the planet warms. The increase in fires in the high mountains is another warning to the U.S. West and elsewhere of the risks ahead as the climate changes.

Mojtaba Sadegh is an assistant professor of civil engineering at Boise State University; John Abatzoglou is an associate professor of engineering at University of California, Merced; Mohammad Reza Alizadeh is a Ph.D. student in engineering at McGill University.

‘It’s insane’: Proud Boys furor tests limits of Trump’s GOP

‘It’s insane’: Proud Boys furor tests limits of Trump’s GOP

David Siders                              May 26, 2021

 

It’s been less than two weeks since South Carolina Republicans rejected Lin Wood’s Q-Anon inspired run for state party chair. In Arizona, the GOP is still consumed with infighting over a farcical review of November election results.

Now comes Nevada, where open warfare has broken out in recent days between state and local party officials over a pro-Trump insurgency involving far-right activists with ties to the Proud Boys.

More than six months after the November election, the forces unleashed by former President Donald Trump — election conspiracists, QAnon adherents, MAGA true believers and even the often violent Proud Boys — are attempting to rewire the Grand Old Party’s leadership at the state and local levels, including in some swing states that will be critical in the midterm elections.

It’s a reflection of Trump’s influence on the Republican Party, but also evidence of the breadth of interests seeking to define Trumpism in the vacuum left by his November defeat.

“It’s insane,” said Katie Williams, a Republican school board trustee in Nevada’s Clark County, where party officials canceled a meeting at a church this week, citing security concerns about extremists trying to take over the party. “We can’t have people acting the way they’re acting. That’s the problem. … It’s like an election hangover.”

The uproar in Nevada, which came on suddenly, suggests how far the GOP is from being finished with its post-election reckoning. After the Republican Party’s state central committee voted narrowly last month to censure Nevada’s Republican secretary of state, Barbara Cegavske — for “failing to investigate” Trump’s baseless allegations of widespread voter fraud — Clark County party officials accused the state party chair, Michael McDonald, of tipping the scales against Cegavske by adding extremist members to the county’s roster at the state central committee meeting.

The state party, in turn, accused the Clark County chair, David Sajdak, of spreading “slanderous lies.” But one self-described member of the Proud Boys, Matthew Anthony Yankley, who goes by Matt Anthony, said on a recent episode of the Johnny Bru Show, a Las Vegas-based podcast, that he participated in the censure and that “our votes absolutely made the difference.”

Meanwhile, the Las Vegas Review-Journal published an exhaustive account detailing an effort by Anthony and other far-right activists to gain control of the party in Las Vegas’ Clark County through its elections in July.

For Nevada Republicans, the timing of the feud is fraught. The state Legislature has been tilting Democratic in recent years, but Republicans picked up several seats in November anyway, while Trump lost to President Joe Biden by just more than 2 percentage points — a narrower margin than widely expected.

A well-organized Republican Party could help candidates who have at least an outside chance of upsetting Democratic Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto — or first-term Gov. Steve Sisolak next year. Instead, state and local party officials are at one another’s throats — and the GOP’s connections to the Proud Boys are in the headlines.

“I’m really disheartened by this,” said Carrie Buck, a Nevada state senator and the establishment-backed candidate for chair of the Clark County GOP. “If we don’t get this fixed, we don’t win our state back.”

The conflict in Nevada is about more than just a loyalty test to Trump, which is the motivating concern behind Cegavske’s censure. There’s a more fundamental question about what kind of Republican is welcome in the post-Trump GOP. The Trump era not only mainstreamed conspiracy theories — a large majority of Republicans believing Trump’s baseless claims that the election was rigged — it also gave rise to militant, pro-Trump groups like the Proud Boys, which the Southern Poverty Law Center has labeled a hate group. Nationally, several members of the Proud Boys are facing charges for their involvement in the insurrection at the Capitol on Jan. 6.

Last year, the group was emboldened when Trump declined to explicitly condemn white supremacists and militia groups during the first presidential debate, telling the Proud Boys to “stand back and stand by.” (He later adjusted his tone, saying “they have to stand down.”) And other Republicans have struggled more recently with how accommodating to be to extremists within the party. In Washington, GOP leaders this week criticized Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) for comparing coronavirus vaccine and mask requirements to the Holocaust, but they are not disciplining her, much less excommunicating her from the party.

In Clark County, Republican Party leaders are attempting to draw a rare line in the sand. Officials said they have barred seven people, including Anthony, from membership due to their associations with groups they said have disseminated racist and other hateful messages.

Noting the majority-minority composition of Clark County — the state’s most populous county, and a Democratic stronghold — Sajdak said at a news conference this week that “we welcome everyone that is a reasonable and decent human being” but that “I will never tolerate racist or hateful speech.”

Stephen Silberkraus, the party’s vice chair, said after the press conference, “This isn’t a problem within our party. It’s one at the gates that we have to fend off.”

Nevada Sen. Barbara Cegavske, R-Las Vegas, listens to colleagues pay tribute to her 18-years of public service during a Senate floor session on the final day of the 77th Legislative session at the Legislative Building in Carson City, Nev., on Monday, June 3, 2013. (AP Photo/Cathleen Allison)

Republicans in the state Senate appear to be following that reasoning, calling for a review of the vote to censure Cegavske.

“News reports that state party leaders may have formed a relationship with members of the organization known as the Proud Boys to sway the censure vote of a public official is profoundly concerning,” the caucus said in a prepared statement. “If there is a determination that any member or employee of the Nevada Republican Party conspired with these individuals or had knowledge of any wrongdoing in the party vote, Senate Republicans call for their immediate removal and resignation.”

Amy Tarkanian, a former chair of the state party, said there may be enough frustration with McDonald among Nevada Republicans “to possibly not reelect him finally. So, he very well may just be either so desperate that he’s willing to bring in literally anyone of any background, such as the Proud Boys, to help boost up his numbers, or just let the whole ship burn and sink if he doesn’t get reelected.”

She said, “It makes no sense to be bringing people like that into the fold where they’re not welcome.”

McDonald did not respond to requests for comment. Nor did Anthony.

McDonald told the Review-Journal he does not condone hateful or antisemitic rhetoric. Anthony said on the Johnny Bru Show that the Proud Boys are unfairly maligned and that he is “against hate of all kinds.”

In Clark County, the dispute over who can belong is now playing out in court. Anthony and several other activists filed a lawsuit against the Clark County GOP last week complaining they had “arbitrarily been denied membership” or are having their memberships in the party withdrawn, accusing the county party of “discriminatorily and arbitrarily picking and choosing what applicants to approve for membership in the committee.” County party officials said the lawsuit has no merit.

“What they’re clearly afraid of,” said Ian Bayne, a co-founder of No Mask Nevada, which has been supportive of the effort to challenge the local party, is that new activists will “take the entire party out from under them.”

Bayne said he does not know the local Proud Boys members, but added that denying Republicans membership in the local committee is discriminatory. Bayne’s group, though not part of the lawsuit, was encouraging its members to join the county committee to “replace the failures who now run the Clark County GOP,” promising that an unnamed former Trump staffer would be running for chair, likely announcing his candidacy next week.

Bayne said the intra-party tension in Nevada — as in the GOP elsewhere — is little different than past upheavals within the party, dating back to the days of Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan.

In Clark County, he said, “the establishment is running and canceling meetings because they’re scared.”

Why it matters that the Wisconsin GOP rejected Medicaid expansion

MSNBC – MaddowBlog

Why it matters that the Wisconsin GOP rejected Medicaid expansion

Biden thought he’d come up with a Medicaid expansion offer that states couldn’t refuse. Republicans still don’t care.
Image: A sign for a polling place near the state capitol in Madison, Wis., on Nov. 6, 2018.

A sign for a polling place near the state capitol in Madison, Wis., on Nov. 6, 2018.Nick Oxford / Reuters file

For most of the country, it was obvious years ago that Medicaid expansion through the Affordable Care Act is a good deal, but as regular readers know, there are still 12 holdouts. As a consequence, there are more than 2 million low-income Americans who don’t have health security, simply because Republicans in their respective states refuse to do the right thing.

One of those 12 states was handed an opportunity to act yesterday. As the Associated Press reported, it did not go well.

Republicans who control the Wisconsin Legislature on Tuesday convened and within seconds ended a special session called by Democratic Gov. Tony Evers to expand Medicaid, dashing chances for the state to receive a one-time bonus of $1 billion in federal coronavirus relief funding. The Senate and Assembly gaveled in and adjourned the special session in mostly empty chambers with only a handful of lawmakers in attendance.

 

The process was remarkably efficient. After Wisconsin’s Democratic governor called a special session on the matter, officials in the Republican-led state Assembly showed up, banged the gavel, and left after 40 seconds. In the Republican-led state Senate, they moved with even greater speed: the session wrapped up in less than 10 seconds.

GOP legislators not only refused to vote on Tony Evers’ Medicaid expansion plan, they also refused to even debate it.

There are two angles to this that matter, and not just in the Badger State. The first is that, in theory, Republicans in the Wisconsin legislature are risking a fierce public backlash by expressing such callous indifference toward struggling families and their own state’s finances. But in practice, GOP state lawmakers assume they’re free to act with impunity, and they’re almost certainly correct: Wisconsin Republicans have rigged the state’s district lines to such a degree that the GOP keeps power, even when Democrats win more votes.

In other words, Wisconsin Republican legislators can make unpopular and irresponsible decisions, comfortable in the knowledge that, despite operating in an ostensible democracy, there’s little voters can do about it.

But let’s also not lose sight of the financial incentives GOP lawmakers in Wisconsin rejected out of hand. In the Democrats’ COVID relief package, called the American Relief Plan, President Joe Biden thought he’d come up with an offer that states couldn’t refuse.

As we discussed in March, the policy may sound a little complicated, but the offer was straightforward: under the ACA, the federal government already covers 90% of the costs of expanding Medicaid. As Vox explained, the Democrats’ relief package ups the ante: “[N]ewly expanding states would also receive a 5 percent bump in the federal funding match for their traditional Medicaid programs for two years. Because the traditional Medicaid population is significantly larger than the expansion population, the funding bump is projected to cover a state’s 10 percent match for expansion enrollees and then some over those two years.”

It led Jon Chait to joke, “Now states taking the Medicaid expansion would have more than 100 percent of the cost covered by Washington. They would literally have to pay for the privilege of denying coverage to their poorest citizens.”

Nearly three months later, how many states did the obvious thing? None. Literally, not one of the 12 holdouts has budged.

To be sure, Republicans were made aware of the incredibly generous offer, but they nevertheless said no in Wisconsin. And Texas. And Wyoming. And Florida. And Tennessee.

Meanwhile, in Missouri, voters added Medicaid expansion to the state constitution last year, but GOP officials said they don’t care and still won’t approve the policy. A new lawsuit intends to force Republicans’ hands. Watch this space.

‘I’m cancer free!’ How a diagnosis of stage 4 cancer is no longer a death sentence

‘I’m cancer free!’ How a diagnosis of stage 4 cancer is no longer a death sentence

Kathryn W. Foster                          May 27, 2021

 

Nanita Edwards of Fort Lauderdale got the shock of her life last year.

Edwards, who had prided herself on never missing work, went to urgent care because she had some “pain in her backside.” She was sent immediately to the hospital and diagnosed with Stage IV ovarian cancer.

“I was told it was too advanced. I had maybe six months to a year to live and that there was nothing they could do,” Edwards recalled.

That was in July. In November, a palliative care doctor referred Edwards to Dr. Scott Jordan, a gynecologist/oncologist with Broward Health. By that time, she was too weak for surgery.

“First off, we never write off ovarian cancer patients because approximately 80 percent of the time, they respond to treatment. Even in really advanced disease, giving chemotherapy makes patients so much better and stronger, sometimes even in the intensive care unit, and then we can go back and look and see if they’re a surgical candidate,” Jordan said.

That’s what happened with Edwards. After three cycles of chemo, she “had put on about 20 pounds and had vastly improved her activity level” and was able to withstand extensive surgery, Jordan said.

“It was long-standing dogma until five to 10 years ago to first do surgery, then chemo. Increasingly, data has shown that it’s at least as good to start with chemo, especially if you have a frail patient, and then go for a smaller surgery” because the tumors will have shriveled, Jordan said.

Dr. Scott Jordan, gynecologist/oncologist with Broward Health who treated Nanita Edwards.
Dr. Scott Jordan, gynecologist/oncologist with Broward Health who treated Nanita Edwards.

 

In Edwards’ case, cancer had spread throughout her abdomen. Jordan had to remove Edwards’ reproductive organs, her appendix, the area connecting the stomach with other abdominal organs, known as the ommentum, part of her colon and some enlarged lymph nodes.

Doctors also had to ablate, or burn off, a lot of small tumors implanted throughout her abdomen and pelvis.

“Additionally, she had the BRCA-2, a hereditary gene mutation that puts her in a camp of patients who respond even better to chemotherapy and who will respond very well with a maintenance treatment after therapy, an oral medication called a PARP inhibitor,” trade-named Lynparza. “It works especially well in someone who developed their cancer due to missing one of the BRCA genes. Ms. Edwards was also in that category,” Jordan said.

Edwards is now cancer free. “Based on data published in 2019, she has over a 50 percent chance of being disease free after three years and it potentially never reoccurring,” Jordan said.

“I’m cancer free, cancer free, cancer free,” Edwards said.

Changes in pancreatic cancer treatment

“Twenty or 25 years ago, pancreatic cancer was probably the most lethal,” said Dr. Mike Cusnir, co-director of gastrointestinal malignancies at Mount Sinai Medical Center in Miami Beach. “At that time, we used to say that the patient has such a poor prognosis, why do we make them sick [with treatment]?

Dr. Mike Cusnir, co-director of gastrointestinal malignancies at Mount Sinai Medical Center in Miami Beach.
Dr. Mike Cusnir, co-director of gastrointestinal malignancies at Mount Sinai Medical Center in Miami Beach.

 

“What has changed is we have gone in the opposite direction to give patients the most aggressive therapies, super treatments that are innovative with a lot of different drugs, and what we’ve seen is that we can extend the life of the patient.”

Added Dr. Kfir Ben-David, chairman of surgery at Mount Sinai, “The whole point of treating cancer is to get rid of it.”

When treating pancreatic cancer, the two Mount Sinai doctors are increasingly turning to immunotherapy, which unleashes the immune system of the patient’s own body to fight the cancer cells.

Ben-David and his team also remove diseased parts of the pancreas “with minimally invasive surgery using a small instrument the size of your pen to go through the abdomen to remove lymph nodes and cut out cancer. We are now able to put things back together through these small incisions,” Ben-David said.

New treatments for blood cancers

One of the areas where doctors have more treatments at their disposal is in blood cancers.

Dr. Mikkael Sekeres, who specializes in leukemia and bone marrow disorders in older adults at Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center at the University of Miami.
Dr. Mikkael Sekeres, who specializes in leukemia and bone marrow disorders in older adults at Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center at the University of Miami.

 

“It’s never a great thing to have a cancer diagnosis, but it is comforting to know we have so many cancer therapies available,” said Dr. Mikkael Sekeres, who specializes in leukemia and related bone marrow disorders in older adults. He is chief of the division of hematology at Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center at the University of Miami.

“We’ve had a number of innovations in treatment of blood and bone marrow cancers over the last decade. As a result, we have seen a tsunami of approvals by the FDA.

“Some of the most exciting inroads have been the immunotherapy approach using drugs that harness the power of the immune system to attack cancer. Some of these drugs are referred to as checkpoint inhibitors and they have particular efficiencies in lymphoma,” Sekeres said.

Certain cancers no longer a death sentence

Sekeres is optimistic about the future and how certain cancers will no longer be a death sentence.

“I think we’ll increasingly see people live longer and blood and bone marrow cancers managed like chronic disease. Already in the past 40 years, if you look at the survival for leukemia, it’s doubled. I think we will continue to see that trend.

“On a personal note, my grandmother, who lived in Delray Beach, when she was diagnosed with leukemia in 1980s, it was a death sentence. She did, in fact, die within 10 months.

“Nowadays, it’s no longer a death sentence. It’s something we can treat,” Sekeres said.

Carolyn Allen, who was diagnosed with Stage IV brain cancer and now has no active cancer, her doctor said.
Carolyn Allen, who was diagnosed with Stage IV brain cancer and now has no active cancer, her doctor said.

 

Carolyn Allen of Oakland Park is one of those grateful cancer survivors. “I went from Stage IV to Stage 0 in a year,” Allen said.

In February of last year, she went to her doctor because she was having trouble with her eyesight and was getting confused. An MRI found a tumor in her brain.

“They put me in the hospital that very day and did the surgery on Saturday. They told me my brain cancer was from another part of my body.”

They found lung cancer, Allen remembered.

Immunotherapy making a difference

Allen’s oncologist, Dr. Mehmet Hepgur of Broward Health, put her on a regimen of chemotherapy and immunotherapy for three months. She’s now on immunotherapy for another year.

“In the past the only treatment of lung cancer stage IV was chemotherapy. Now we have a combo approach,” Hepgur said.

“She has no active cancer. I do anticipate she may remain cancer free for the rest of her life,” Hepgur said.

“Based on CDC data from 1999 to 2019, cancer death rates dropped 27 percent all across the board,” Hepgur said. “In my opinion, immunotherapy is part of the improvement,” he added.

Said Jordan, the oncologist who treated Edwards’ ovarian cancer, “We’re going to a direction of personalized medicine, testing the genes you are born with and also the genes in the tumor to guide our therapy and target with a targeted agent.”

Added Cusnir, “Until we cure 100 percent of our patients, we’re not going to stop studying every single permutation.”

Climate: World at risk of hitting temperature limit soon

Climate: World at risk of hitting temperature limit soon

David Shukman – Science editor                  May 26, 2021
Nantou in Taiwan during a drought this year
Nantou in Taiwan during a drought this year

 

It’s becoming more likely that a key global temperature limit will be reached in one of the next five years.

A major study says by 2025 there’s a 40% chance of at least one year being 1.5C hotter than the pre-industrial level.

That’s the lower of two temperature limits set by the Paris Agreement on climate change.

The conclusion comes in a report published by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO).

The analysis is based on modelling by the UK Met Office and climate researchers in 10 countries including the US and China.

In the last decade, it was estimated that the chance of any one year reaching the 1.5C threshold was only 20%.

This new assessment puts that risk at 40%.

Leon Hermanson, a senior Met Office scientist, told BBC News that comparing projected temperatures with those of 1980-1900 shows a clear rise.

“What it means is that we’re approaching 1.5C – we’re not there yet but we’re getting close,” he said.

“Time is running out for the strong action which we need now.”

The researchers point out that even if one of the next five years is 1.5C above the pre-industrial level, it’ll be a temporary situation.

Temperature curve
Temperature curve

 

Natural variability will mean the following few years may be slightly cooler and it could be another decade or two or more before the 1.5C limit is crossed permanently.

The Paris Agreement established the goal of keeping the increase in the global average temperature to no more than 2C and to try not to surpass 1.5C – and that’s understood to mean over a long period rather than a single year.

According to Dr Joeri Rogelj, director of research at the Grantham Institute, Imperial College London, “the 1.5C in the Met Office announcement should not be confused with the 1.5C limit in the Paris Agreement”.

“The Paris targets refer to global warming – that is, the temperature increase of our planet once we smooth out year-to-year variations,” he explained.

“A single year hitting 1.5C therefore doesn’t mean the Paris limits are breached, but is nevertheless very bad news.

“It tells us once again that climate action to date is wholly insufficient and emissions need to be reduced urgently to zero to halt global warming.”

Wildfire consumes house in St Helena, California
A house is consumed by flames during the Glass wildfire in California last year

 

A landmark report by the UN climate panel in 2018 highlighted how the impacts of climate change are far more severe when the increase is greater than 1.5C.

At the moment, projections suggest that even with recent pledges to cut emissions of greenhouse gases, the world is on course to heat up by up to 3C.

The WMO’s secretary-general, Prof Petteri Taalas, said the results of the new research were “more than mere statistics”.

“This study shows – with a high level of scientific skill – that we are getting measurably and inexorably closer to the lower target of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change,” he explained.

“It is yet another wake up call that the world needs to fast-track commitments to slash greenhouse gas emissions and achieve carbon neutrality.”

Prof Ed Hawkins, a climate scientist at the University of Reading, told me that if the new forecast is proved right “it does not mean that we have exceeded the Paris Agreement limit”.

He points out that two individual months in 2016 saw a rise of 1.5C.

“As the climate warms, we’ll get more months above 1.5C, then a sequence of them, then a whole year on average above 1.5 and then two or three years and then virtually every year,” Prof Hawkins said.

He also stresses that 1.5C is “not a magic number that we’ve got to avoid”.

“It’s not a sudden cliff edge, it’s more like a slope that we’re already on and, as the climate warms, the effects get worse and worse.

“We have to set a line in the sand to try to limit the temperature rise but we clearly need to recognize that we’re seeing the effects of climate change already in the UK and around the world and those effects will continue to become more severe.”

The report comes in the approach to the COP26 summit on climate change, due to be held in Glasgow in November.

The summit aims to raise ambition among world leaders on tackling the climate crisis.

New Mexico Stuck With $8 billion in Cleanup for Oil Wells, Highlighting Dangers From Fossil Fuel Dependence

DeSmog

New Mexico Stuck With $8 billion in Cleanup for Oil Wells, Highlighting Dangers From Fossil Fuel Dependence

The oil industry boasts that it fills state coffers with revenues from drilling, but a new study finds a serious gap in funding available to tackle the environmental legacy of abandoned wells.
Nick Cunningham         May 26, 2021
 
Oil stored in tanks. Credit: Bureau of Land Management (CC BY 2.0)

New Mexico is facing more than $8 billion in cleanup costs for oil and gas wells, an enormous liability that taxpayers could be left to pick up if drillers go out of business or walk away from their obligations.

Cleaning up old wells at the end of their operating lives can be expensive, and typically states require drillers to cover part of the cleanup cost at the outset, known as financial assurance requirements. The money is tapped later on when the well or pipeline must be dismantled and cleaned up.

But a study commissioned by the New Mexico State Land Office published on April 30 found that “financial assurance requirements do not exist for much of the oil and gas infrastructure explored in this study, and in some cases where such requirements are imposed, operators may have multiple ways of minimizing or avoiding those requirements.” The study was conducted by the Center for Applied Research, an independent analytical firm.

Inadequate bonding requirements means there is a serious gap in available funding to properly clean up after the fossil fuel industry. According to the report, it could cost as much as $8.38 billion to clean up the state’s tens of thousands of wells and associated pipeline infrastructure. Alarmingly, however, New Mexico only has $201 million tucked away for cleanup, leaving a hole of $8.1 billion.

“That’s $8.1 billion that we don’t have,” New Mexico Commissioner of Public Lands Stephanie Garcia Richard said in a statement. “Enormous sums of taxpayer money and money meant for public schools, along with the long-term health of our lands, are on the line.”

The industry likes to boast that oil and gas revenues contribute roughly a third of the state’s general fund — a fact that the New Mexico Oil & Gas Association (NMOGA) triumphantly advertised in a recent report and regularly highlights on social media.

Indeed, drilling accounts for a large source of state revenues. In April 2021, for example, the state took in $109 million in royalties, a record high. Those funds will be funneled into public services, including schools and hospitals.

As the report exposed, however, the massive liability put onto the public in cleanup costs somewhat undercuts the notion that the oil and gas industry is a financial godsend.

The industry has helped fill state coffers in recent years, with oil production booming to roughly 1 million barrels per day, more than double production levels from five years ago. According to the report, last year the oil and gas industry produced nearly 370 million barrels of oil and 2 trillion cubic feet of natural gas from roughly 60,000 wells, which was transported on 35,000 miles of pipelines.

But as the State Land Office study highlights, the industry is leaving behind enormous costs for the state and the general public to deal with at a later date, a liability that is mostly obscured from public discussion.

The average cost to plug an old well and reclaim the surface is over $182,000 per well, but the state only has the finances to cover a little over $3,200 per well. The funding gap is even more staggering for pipelines. Decommissioning and reclamation costs are roughly $211,000 per mile of pipeline, but available financial assurance only totals about $51 per mile.

A pump jack in Roswell, New Mexico. Credit: BLM(CC BY 2.0)

 

The risk to the public from inadequate bonding requirements is compounded by the fact that oil and gas drillers can go out of business long before wells are cleaned up, which can be years or even decades later. The U.S. shale industry has burned through hundreds of billions of dollars in cash, and there have been more than 250 bankruptcies of North American oil and gas companies since 2015. And as the clean energy transition accelerates, the financial challenges to the industry are likely to only grow more severe.

The state has long suffered from the roller coaster cycles of extractive industry, according to James Jimenez, executive director of New Mexico Voices for Children, a health, education, and economic advocacy organization. “We’ve made policy choices in boom times that have really exacerbated our over-dependence on oil and natural gas revenues,” Jimenez told DeSmog.

“Because of the really volatile nature of the oil and gas industries, we haven’t had sustainability in the programs,” he said. A dependence on a boom-and-bust industry has forced the state to make cuts to school systems during downturns in the past.

“We need to reduce this over reliance we have on oil and natural gas to fund really basic important programs like our K-12 education and higher education systems,” Jimenez said. He added that the state should diversify its revenue base, such as through progressive taxation on the wealthy and supporting non-extractive business sectors.

Even as money flows to the state from drilling today, the unfunded liabilities of cleanup that are dumped onto the public also highlight the downside to such high levels of drilling. “The $8 billion that it would take to do the cleanup would have to come from somewhere,” Jimenez said. Dollars spent on cleaning up the waste from the oil and gas industry, are dollars not spent on other important needs, such as rural broadband or road infrastructure, he added.

“The answers are simple and urgent — raise royalty rates and taxes on the industry, stash away the revenues in our Permanent Fund to stabilize cash flows, and spend current budget dollars on investments to diversify our economy,” Thomas Singer, senior policy advisor at the Western Environmental Law Center, told DeSmog via email.

NMOGA did not respond to a request for comment.

Well pad near Roswell, NM. Credit: BLM(CC BY 2.0)

 

On top of the financial risks from abandoned wells, the fossil fuel industry brings numerous environmental and public health hazards as well. Oil and gas operations have contributed to a deterioration in air quality in the state. And in northwestern New Mexico, there have been more than 300 accidents since 2019, including oil spills, fires, blowouts, and gas releases, and much of it has occurred on Navajo land, as reported by Capital & Main.

A recently published peer-reviewed study found that shut-in conventional oil wells in the Permian basin could be leaking a substantial amount of methane, a powerful greenhouse gas that exacerbates climate change.

“New Mexicans must recognize that while industrialization of our landscape to produce oil and gas brings revenue today, if not properly cleaned up, it also jeopardizes our economy of the future,” Singer said. Allowing drillers “to defer this obligation indefinitely puts the state and taxpayers at great risk that they will have pick up the tab or leave these areas as polluted sacrifice zones.”

Nick Cunningham is an independent journalist covering the oil and gas industry, climate change and international politics. He has been featured in Oilprice.com, The Fuse, YaleE360 and NACLA.

U.S. freeways flattened Black neighborhoods nationwide

U.S. freeways flattened Black neighborhoods nationwide

New York state highway plan shows potential pitfalls of Biden’s infrastructure push.

 

SYRACUSE, N.Y. (Reuters) – Syracuse wasn’t the only city where Black residents were displaced by the U.S. freeway-building boom of the 1950s and 1960s.

Across the country, local officials saw the proposed interstate system as a convenient way to demolish what they regarded as “slum” neighborhoods near their downtown business districts, historians say. With the federal government picking up 90% of the cost, freeway construction made it easier for politicians and business leaders to pursue their own “urban renewal” projects after residents were evicted.

“It was a mistake that many cities were making,” said University of California, Irvine law professor Joseph DiMento, an expert in the policies of the freeway-building era. “The reasons they were built were heavily for removal of Blacks from certain areas.”

Existing long-distance highways, like the New York State Thruway, largely skirted city centers. The new interstates were built right through them.

Road builders at the time were largely free to ignore environmental, historical, social or other factors, allowing them to focus on the most direct route from one point to another.

More often than not, that meant routing those freeways through Black neighborhoods, where land was cheap and political opposition low.

Some black neighborhoods were targeted even when more logical routes were available, research by the late urban historian Raymond Mohl shows. According to his findings:

*In Miami, Interstate 95 was routed through Overtown, a Black neighborhood known as the “Harlem of the South,” rather than a nearby abandoned rail corridor.

*In Nashville, Interstate 40 took a noticeable swerve, bisecting the Black community of North Nashville.

*In Montgomery, Alabama, the state highway director, a high-level officer of the Ku Klux Klan, routed Interstate 85 through a neighborhood where many Black civil rights leaders lived, rather than choosing an alternate route on vacant land.

*In New Orleans and Kansas City, officials re-routed freeways from white neighborhoods to integrated or predominantly Black areas.

Residents in a handful of cities, including Washington, D.C., Philadelphia and Baltimore, successfully mobilized to block freeway construction in Black neighborhoods. But that was not typically the case.

The road-building program ultimately displaced more than 1 million Americans, most of them low-income minorities, according to Anthony Foxx, who served as transportation secretary under Democratic President Barack Obama.

(Reporting by Andy Sullivan; editing by Marla Dickerson)

Turn off the gas: is America ready to embrace electric vehicles?

The Guardian

Turn off the gas: is America ready to embrace electric vehicles?

Tom Perkins               May 23,  2021 
Joe Biden inside the new Lightning last week. ‘This sucker’s quick,’ he declared.
Joe Biden inside the new Lightning last week. ‘This sucker’s quick,’ he declared. Photograph: Nicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty Images

 

Ford unveiled its new F-150 Lightning pickup this week – but the success of EVs in this car-loving nation is far from certain

In Detroit, auto plants have for decades churned out trucks built with Motor City steel and fueled by gasoline. But this week’s rollout of the Ford F-150 Lightning electric truck offered a vision of the future in America’s automotive heartland: aluminum-clad pickups running off of electric powertrains with lithium batteries.

Ford launching electric F-150 truck in ‘huge’ shift for low-emission vehicles.

 

An electric model of the nation’s best-selling vehicle at an accessible $40,000 has the potential to shift the auto industry’s course, and do more to advance the transportation sector’s electrification than any recent development, analysts say.

“Offering a well-known vehicle at a competitive price could really help push the EV agenda in the US,” said Jessica Caldwell, executive director of insights at Edmunds.com.

Meanwhile, Ford characterized the Lightning’s introduction as a “watershed moment”, but it also represents a major gamble. The F-150 embodies American ruggedness, and it raises the question: is the truck market’s meat-and-potatoes base ready to embrace environmentally friendly electric vehicles (EVs)?

It’s uncharted territory, said Michelle Krebs, Autotrader executive analyst. The success of the Lightning or any EV hinges on a major infrastructure build-out that’s far from certain.

“There’s no EV pickup market at the moment, so we just don’t know how big it could be, or what consumer acceptance will be,” she said.

Truck consumers are generally unwilling to switch to cars just to go electric, Krebs said. So pitching them on the Lightning not only opens a new market for Ford, but is a critical step in the nation’s efforts to rein in greenhouse gas emissions, of which the transportation sector accounts for 29%. The EV transition is a key component of Joe Biden’s climate plan, which calls for the nation to cut emissions by 50% from 2005 levels by 2030, and net-zero emissions economy-wide by 2050.

Though EVs only make up less than 2% of new-vehicle sales in the US, there’s perhaps no better line to push the needle on those figures than the F-Series. Last year, Ford generated about $42bn in the sale of over 800,000 F-Series trucks, according to data from the company and Edmunds.com. Sales of the F-150, the line’s light-duty truck, exceeded 556,000.

The Lightning feature that seems to be catching the most attention isn’t under the hood or in the cab, but on the price tag. With EV tax incentives, the truck’s base model could cost about $32,000 – less than a $37,000 gas-powered F-150 with a crew cab. By contrast, the GMC Hummer EV and Rivian R1T, are priced at $80,000 and $70,000 though they are slightly flashier.

The Lightning also marks one of the first attempts to electrify a well-known, everyday vehicle that appeals to a mass market. Previously, EVs were mostly small, unconventionally designed cars that appealed to environmentally minded people who made a personality statement with their vehicle, Caldwell said. The “pendulum has swung” in terms of design, she added.

The Lightning’s range is also notable. One charge will take a base model Lightning 230 miles, or, for an additional $20,000, the extended range trim will travel 300 miles. It can haul up to 2,000lb of payload and tow up to 10,000lb. However, Ford doesn’t offer any data on range with a heavy payload or tow, and Car And Drive estimated it at as little as 100 miles.

That’s the type of detail that could keep consumers away from not just the Lightning, but all electric pickups. On a 150kw DC fast charger, the extended-range trim targets up to 54 miles of range in 10 minutes, or just under an hour for a full charge.

It’s not hard to imagine a scenario in which someone who may be buying a truck to tow a camper a long distance once or twice per year opting for a gas-powered F-150 instead being inconvenienced with an hour-long stop to recharge every 100 miles or so, Caldwell said.

But several once-in-a-while Lightning features are generating a buzz, like a drain hole in case the cab needs to be hosed out. Its dual battery system can power tools in the field, or a house for three days during an outage. The F-150 Hybrid was utilized as a mobile generator in the recent deadly Texas blackouts.

Ford’s chief executive engineer Linda Zhang unveils the Ford F-150 Lightning in Dearborn on Wednesday.
Ford’s chief executive engineer Linda Zhang unveils the Ford F-150 Lightning in Dearborn on Wednesday. Photograph: Carlos Osorio/AP

 

The Lightning’s power is another selling point – it can go 0-60mph in just over four seconds, offers 775lb-ft of torque, and the extended range model targets 563 horsepower.

That was enough to impress the president, who test drove a Lightning during a Michigan stop last week. “This sucker’s quick,” he declared.

Among those who will need to harness the truck’s full power and hauling capacity are contractors. It’s worth consideration, said Dave Alder, an electrician in Detroit, especially if it could save on gas money. But he worried about where he would charge it, and said it’s a bit of a “If it’s not broken, don’t fix it” situation with his gas-powered Chevy Silverado.

The Lightning has the support of the United Auto Workers union, which at times has been skeptical of electrification. The truck will be built at the Rouge Electric Vehicle Center in Dearborn, which sits just outside of Detroit and next to the Dearborn Truck Plant that produces gas-powered and hybrid F-150s. Lightning production is slated to start next spring, with the trucks hitting the lot in mid-2022.

Critical to its success is an infrastructure build out, and Biden’s $2tn infrastructure plan includes $174bn to support the EV transition.

Biden has framed his pitch by repeatedly claiming the US is in an electrification race with China.

“The future of the auto industry is electric. There’s no turning back,” he said during the Lightning’s unveiling. “The question is whether we will lead or we will fall behind in the race to the future.”

Buy-in from the auto industry could help Biden push his proposal with Congress, though it’s uniformly opposed by the GOP. Republican leadership has pointed to the lack of infrastructure as a chief reason for opposing spending on the EV transition, but at the same time opposes funding an infrastructure build-out.

American consumers have said they won’t buy an EV without the infrastructure in place, Krebs said, which leaves the industry facing a “chicken and egg” situation.

“That’s key – they have got to have the charging infrastructure in place or this will all go kaput,” she said.

Trucks of fresh water used to feed Taiwan’s semiconductors as crops left to die in punishing drought

Trucks of fresh water used to feed Taiwan’s semiconductors as crops left to die in punishing drought

Nicola Smith                          May 22, 2021
The dried lakebed of Sun Moon Lake in Nantou county in central Taiwan - AP
The dried lakebed of Sun Moon Lake in Nantou county in central Taiwan – AP

 

The world’s largest microchip maker is buying tanker trucks full of water to keep its plant going as farmers struggle to make ends meet during the worst drought in the history of Taiwan.

The Taiwanese government this week said it would tighten water rationing from June 1 in the semiconductor making hubs of Hsinchu and Taichung if there is no significant rainfall by then. This would require companies to cut water consumption by 17 per cent.

Chip manufacturing requires a significant amount of water, and the shortfall in Taiwan, the rainswept island that hasn’t seen a typhoon in the last last year, has sounded alarm bells across the world.

The global economy is suffering from a major shortage of semiconductors that are key to almost all consumer appliances and vehicles.

A cut in supply from factories shut by Covid first hit the market last year, but a surge in spending on electrical items during lockdown has savaged the industry.

The automotive sector is by far the hardest hit, with Ford, Volkswagen and Jaguar Land Rover shutting down factories and laying off workers.

Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co Ltd (TSMC), the world’s largest chipmaker, told the Telegraph it had a contingency plan for the punishing drought compounding global supply issues further.

“We have initiated some measures including cutting back water usage and ordering water by tanker trucks for some of our facilities. So far there’s no impact on production and we are closely monitoring the water supply situation,” said a spokesperson.

People fish at the Sun Moon Lake with low water levels during an island wide drought - ANNABELLE CHIH&#xa0;/REUTERS
People fish at the Sun Moon Lake with low water levels during an island wide drought – ANNABELLE CHIH /REUTERS

 

But the 18-month drought, which has seen reservoirs in the island’s central and southern region plunge below 5 per cent of capacity, not only threatens Taiwan’s technological dominance, it has damaged farmers’ livelihoods and revived calls for long term action over climate change.

In parts of central Taiwan, taps are now turned off two days a week.

“With climate change accelerating, it is a sign that we have to think about how to transform,” said farmer Liu Cheng-yu, 37, who is facing significant losses from his rice paddy fields due to irrigation restrictions.

“That means our previous investment and effort will go to waste completely, and we won’t be able to earn any income,” he said. “We are desperately looking for other water resources to prevent the irrigation from halting.”

Mr Liu said he saw the crisis as an opportunity, but other farmers believe they have been shortchanged to save the chip industry.

“We had no choice but to stop planting for this season,” said Ho Wan-chin, 57, who was forced to lease his 100 hectares of land in Hsinchu county fallow.

“The government’s policy has always prioritized water supply to industries like the Hsinchu Science Park,” he said. “We are frustrated by the drought, and with climate change, drought will only happen again in the future.”

The island’s Greenpeace chapter agrees, concluding that Taiwan will face a more intense drought by 2030 if nothing is done to reduce carbon emissions.

People visit dried up Sun Moon Lake in Taiwan&#39;s Nantou County
People visit dried up Sun Moon Lake in Taiwan’s Nantou County

 

“Because of semiconductors and the regulation of domestic water use, the public awareness of climate change has indeed increased. However, climate change is never the focus of the discussion,” said June Liu, climate and energy campaigner.

“A long-term and climate-orientated water management policy is lacking and must be built up as soon as possible. Crossing fingers is not how we deal with risks.”

Dr Hsu Huang-hsiung, a climate change expert at Taiwan’s Academia Sinica, said that although this year’s drought was likely more attributable to bad luck rather than proven to be global warming, that it served as a wake-up call for the island.

“This has been a good lesson for the Taiwanese people and government to learn,” he said. “Although this particular event was not necessarily caused by global warming, similar phenomena occurred so that we know that our water resources policy is not well planned.”

The island needed to address leakage in water pipes, hike consumption prices, and explore other water resources like retention pools, he said.

“I think the government will start to come up with better plans for long term policies for water resources for the future.”

Wuhan lab staff sought hospital care before COVID-19 outbreak disclosed – WSJ

Wuhan lab staff sought hospital care before COVID-19 outbreak disclosed – WSJ

 

FILE PHOTO: WHO team visits Wuhan Institute of Virology

 

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Three researchers from China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology (WIV) sought hospital care in November 2019, a month before China reported the first cases of COVID-19, the Wall Street Journal reported on Sunday, citing a U.S. intelligence report.

The newspaper said the previously undisclosed report – which provides fresh details on the number of researchers affected, the timing of their illnesses, and their hospital visits – may add weight to calls for a broader investigation into whether the COVID-19 virus could have escaped from the laboratory.

The Journal said current and former officials familiar with the intelligence expressed a range of views about the strength of the report’s supporting evidence, with one unnamed person saying it needed “further investigation and additional corroboration.”

The first cases of what would eventually be known as COVID-19 were reported at the end of December 2019 in the central Chinese city of Wuhan, where the advanced laboratory specializing in coronavirus research is located.

Chinese scientists and officials have consistently rejected the lab leak hypothesis, saying SARS-CoV-2 could have been circulating in other regions before it hit Wuhan, and might have even entered China from another country via imported frozen food shipments or wildlife trading.

China’s foreign ministry spokesman, Zhao Lijian, said on Monday that it was “completely untrue” that three members of staff at WIV had fallen ill.

“The United States continues to hype up the lab leak theory,” he said. “Does it care about traceability or is it just trying to distract attention?”

The Journal report came on the eve of a meeting of the World Health Organization’s decision-making body, which is expected to discuss the next phase of an investigation into the origins of COVID-19.

Asked about the report, WHO spokesman Tarik Jasarevic said via email that the organization’s technical teams were now deciding on the next steps. He said further study was needed into the role of animal markets as well as the lab leak hypothesis.

A U.S. National Security Council spokeswoman had no comment on the report but said the Biden administration continued to have “serious questions about the earliest days of the COVID-19 pandemic, including its origins within the Peoples Republic of China.”

She said the U.S. government was working with the WHO and other member states to support an expert-driven evaluation of the pandemic’s origins “that is free from interference or politicization.”

“We’re not going to make pronouncements that prejudge an ongoing WHO study into the source of SARS-CoV-2, but we’ve been clear that sound and technically credible theories should be thoroughly evaluated by international experts,” she said.

A joint study into the origins of COVID-19 by the WHO and China published at the end of March said it was “extremely unlikely” that it had escaped from a lab.

But China was accused of failing to disclose raw data on early COVID-19 cases to the WHO team, and the United States, the European Union and other Western countries called on Beijing to grant “full access” to independent experts.

A State Department fact sheet released near the end of the Trump administration said “the U.S. government has reason to believe that several researchers inside the WIV became sick in autumn 2019, before the first identified case of the outbreak, with symptoms consistent with both COVID-19 and common seasonal illnesses.” It did not say how many researchers.

(Reporting by David Shepardson and Andrea Shalal; additional reporting by Gabriel Crossley in Beijing, David Stanway in Shanghai and Stephanie Nebehay in Geneva; Editing by Daniel Wallis and Andrew Heavens)